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I Don’t Need Nazis In My Germany – Chapter 20

Interwar Period - Anschluss (1)

Chapter 20: Interwar Period – Anschluss (1)

Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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Colonel Walther Model returned to Berlin sometime between December and January. He was a busy man, so they barely had a chance to speak after a brief greeting.

The tide of the Spanish Civil War had turned decisively in favor of the Nationalists. The Republicans had lost all of Northern Spain, and the Nationalists were pushing towards Valencia, forcing the Republicans to move their capital to Barcelona.

Lieutenant Colonel Richthofen had been promoted to Colonel. He had sent a lengthy letter praising the impressive performance of the early Junkers Ju-87 dive bomber, the infamous “Stuka,” and reaffirming their shared belief in its suitability for dive-bombing.

He had been worried about Clemens, but after reading his letter, which was filled with boasts about Rafaela and barely mentioned his unit, he decided to stop worrying.

That traitorous comrade…

February 4, 1938

Army General Staff Headquarters, Berlin, Germany

“This is outrageous! Hitler is trying to take over the military!” Generaloberst Gerd von Rundstedt, the senior-most officer in the German military, slammed his fist on the table.

“The Oberkommando der Wehrmacht?! They abolished it over a decade ago, and now they’re reviving it and putting that incompetent Keitel in charge! He’s just a puppet! Hitler wants to control us like his personal pawns!”

“You’re right, Chief of the General Staff! We can’t just stand by and let this happen! The Defense Minister’s wife is a prostitute, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Army is a homosexual?! These are preposterous accusations! This is clearly a fabrication!” Generaloberst Erwin von Witzleben, sharing Rundstedt’s outrage, exclaimed.

Generaloberst Ludwig Beck, the Chief of the General Staff of the Army, massaged his temples wearily, listening to the two generals.

Werner von Blomberg, the Field Marshal and Minister of Defense, had resigned after Hitler, enraged by the secret police report about his wife, had threatened to expose her past unless he divorced her.

Immediately afterwards, Werner von Fritsch, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, had also resigned under pressure, facing accusations of homosexuality.

With the two leaders of the German Army ousted, and the Nazis announcing the revival of the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW) to exert direct control over the military, the army was in turmoil.

“…What do you think?” Beck asked his subordinate, whom he had been grooming as his successor.

“…With all due respect, Chief of the General Staff, Field Marshal von Blomberg could have refuted the allegations or divorced his wife to protect his honor. He chose to resign. We can’t simply dismiss this as a fabrication…”

“What are you saying, Generalmajor von Manstein?! Are you suggesting we do nothing?!” Rundstedt roared, interrupting the man advising Beck, Erich von Manstein.

Manstein, startled, fell silent. But wasn’t it true? Blomberg could have salvaged the situation by sacrificing his marriage. His refusal to divorce his wife had led to this disaster.

Some in the military, steeped in the traditions of honor and the increasingly dominant patriarchal values of Nazi Germany, shared this view.

But Manstein’s true motives were different.

He was an exceptionally talented officer, but also an opportunist and an ambitious man. He wanted to avoid anything that could jeopardize his career.

He was in line to become the next Chief of the General Staff. Why risk antagonizing the regime?

But contrary to Manstein’s hopes, Beck spoke, “How many would support a formal request for an investigation?”

“There are many who feel this is unjust.” Witzleben said confidently.

Beck hesitated. Manstein quickly interjected, “But Chief of the General Staff, the military should remain politically neutral…”

“But Hitler is interfering with the military!” Rundstedt interrupted Manstein again.

Beck finally nodded, “Alright. We’ll demand an investigation. This whole affair is too suspicious.”

The leadership of the Army General Staff, led by Beck, Rundstedt, and Witzleben, officially requested an investigation into the Blomberg-Fritsch Affair. It was a reasonable request, a call for transparency in a suspicious situation.

The problem was, the Nazis weren’t reasonable.


February 13, 1938

Suburbs of Berlin, Germany

[All Friction with Austria Resolved! Another Diplomatic Victory for Our Glorious Führer!]

He sat in a quiet suburban café, enjoying a rare moment of leisure on a Sunday, reading the blatantly sensationalist headline.

The OKW had been established, and Wilhelm Keitel, known in the military as an affable desk jockey, had been appointed as its Supreme Commander. He was a figurehead, with no real power, his role limited to relaying Hitler’s orders to the military.

The investigation demanded by Rundstedt and Beck had been completely ignored by the Nazi regime and was now buried under this news.

On February 12th, Austrian Chancellor Kurt Schuschnigg, under pressure from Hitler, had agreed to appoint Arthur Seyss-Inquart, a leading Austrian Nazi, as Minister of the Interior.

Hitler had attempted to annex Austria in 1934 but had been forced to back down due to opposition from Mussolini, who considered Austria part of his fascist sphere of influence.

Mussolini had become friendly towards Hitler only after Hitler had supported him during his invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, when he had been condemned by his former allies, Britain and France, and isolated internationally.

It hadn’t been that long ago.

All of Germany was celebrating Hitler’s supposed diplomatic triumph, as Austria, once protected by Mussolini, now fell firmly under German influence.

“Here you go.”

“Thank you.” He accepted the coffee from Claudia, glanced at the headline, and said, “The Frankfurter Zeitung seems to have become quite pro-government.”

“Oh, hardly. This was sent directly from the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda. We have to publish it if we want to stay in business.”

Ah, so it was Dr. Goebbels’ work. Manipulating public opinion was his specialty.

He had become quite close to Claudia and the others at the Frankfurter Zeitung. He had once tested their loyalty by requesting the publication of a risky editorial, and they had responded by expressing concern for his safety and suggesting revisions. He had apologized for his test.

“So? Does our promising young captain have any inside information for us?”

“I’ve been wondering, Fräulein Jung. Don’t you take any days off?”

“I’ve been called a workaholic.” She replied casually, sipping her coffee. She was a political and military affairs reporter.

He had wondered why a seemingly inexperienced reporter like her had been assigned to him. Her explanation had been enlightening: “High-ranking politicians and military officers tend to be more talkative around pretty women.”

He thought for a moment, then said, “The military scandal will likely be swept under the rug, but the officers who demanded the investigation won’t get off scot-free.”

“Hmm… forgive me for asking, but where did you get this information?” Claudia asked, her gaze sharpening.

He smiled, “That’s classified. Honestly, I’m more curious about your sources. You correctly predicted the investigation request and even named the officers involved. I guess we’ll have to wait and see again.”

“I suppose so. It’s hardly newsworthy. I’m more surprised that you’re so interested.”

“I have a personal interest. Knowing things in advance can be helpful. And… just like you tested me, I wanted to gauge your information network.”

“A mere captain’s?”

“You’re also an aspiring General Staff officer and the son of a prominent former minister. And as you know, military officers who are friendly towards liberal newspapers like ours are rare.”

The German military officially maintained political neutrality, but most of the aristocratic high-ranking officers were monarchists, influenced by the traditions of the German Empire. The younger, commoner officers, on the other hand, were often ardent supporters of Hitler and the Nazis, who had torn up the Treaty of Versailles and were rearming Germany.

She was right. Officers like him were rare.

He welcomed her interest. He needed to build trust and demonstrate his value to gain their support when it truly mattered.

“…There will be unrest in Austria soon.”

“What?” Claudia looked at him incredulously, glancing at the headline proclaiming the resolution of all friction with Austria, then back at him.

It stung a little to be looked at like he was spouting nonsense.

But her reaction was understandable. Hitler genuinely believed the Austrian issue was resolved.

Hitler had initially demanded the invasion of Austria but had settled for pressuring the Austrian government to appoint Nazi officials and ensure Austria’s alignment with Germany, after facing strong opposition from the military, which had ultimately led to the Blomberg-Fritsch Affair.

The appointment of Arthur Seyss-Inquart was the result. But the Austrian Nazis would interpret this differently and start acting on their own.

They would believe unification with Germany was imminent, and their actions would lead to a panicked Austria attempting to hold a referendum against unification, which would then provoke Hitler’s wrath, resulting in the Anschluss.

“Official diplomacy and behind-the-scenes maneuvering are two different things.”

“…Do you have connections within the Nazi Party or the SS?” Claudia asked, her eyes narrowing suspiciously. Was she imagining him as a Gestapo agent?

“If I were Gestapo, you’d be out of a job.”

“Not in a concentration camp?”

“Not yet. You haven’t given me a reason to.”

The tension eased after their brief exchange of banter. Claudia’s expression turned serious, “So, why are you giving me this unbelievable information?”

“…Well, it’s your choice whether to believe it or not. I trust the Frankfurter Zeitung, and I will continue to be helpful. So… please take care of me? Something like that.”

“I’ve been a reporter for years, but I can’t read you at all, Captain Schacht. I don’t know how to deal with you.”

“I hear that a lot.”

Claudia chewed on the end of her pencil, then said, “…Fine. I’ll take a gamble. If you’re right, we’ll get the scoop before anyone else.”

“I hope it works out for you.”

“It better.”

“Haha…”

He had maintained a casual demeanor, but he was growing increasingly anxious.

The Anschluss was imminent, but his father showed no signs of activity. He didn’t know if Hjalmar lacked trust in him or if the von Kleist Circle was inactive because Ludwig Beck hadn’t resigned yet.

He felt powerless, despite knowing what was coming. He knew how absurd his goal was, trying to prevent a war caused by the convergence of great power politics, German resentment, and Hitler’s madness, armed with only his knowledge of the future.

But he couldn’t simply sit back and be swept away by the tides of history. Only a sea of blood and steel awaited him if he did.

He had to fight. What was the point of living and breathing in this era if he didn’t?

He hoped his actions would truly make a difference.


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I Don’t Need Nazis In My Germany

I Don’t Need Nazis In My Germany

내 독일에 나치는 필요없다
Score 8.6
Status: Ongoing Type: Author: , Released: 2020 Native Language: Korean
Yoon Sung-il, a young man from South Korea, had just experienced the exhilarating joy of being discharged from mandatory military service. The next day, however, he awoke to a chilling reality. "Lieutenant?" He opened his eyes to find himself a soldier once again. Not just any soldier, but a Wehrmacht officer in Nazi Germany during the Spanish Civil War. The horrors of war unfolded before him. For his own sake, and for the sake of his people, he had to prevent the impending madness of World War II. And to do that, he had to eliminate the Nazis. "My Germany doesn't need Nazis."

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