Chapter 26: Interwar Period – The Sudetenland Crisis (3)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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May 14, 1938
Schmenzin, Farther Pomerania, Germany (present-day Smęcino, Poland)
“We must secure Britain’s support to overthrow the Nazi regime, but we must also ensure they recognize our claims to the Sudetenland and Danzig.”
The senior officers nodded in agreement with Ludwig Beck’s declaration, then proceeded to discuss which positions they would hold after securing British support and succeeding in their plot. Beck would be the Regent of the Empire until the Kaiser’s return, Halder would be the Minister of Defense, and so on.
He wanted to faint.
“…Excuse me, Generaloberst, may I speak?” Tresckow was sipping his wine with a resigned look on his face, but he couldn’t let this go.
They were wasting time on unrealistic plans, with so little time left!
What had this group been doing all this time? They were wasting time on these absurd discussions, even with war looming!
“This isn’t a place for a captain to speak out of turn.” Halder rebuked him, but he stood his ground. Hjalmar intervened, “It was this ‘captain’ who brought me here. If you’re not interested in hearing what he has to say, I’ll take it that you’re not interested in hearing what I, and the business community, have to say either.”
Kleist-Schmenzin, the host, stepped in to mediate, “Of course not, Herr Schacht. We haven’t begun negotiations with Britain yet, and nothing concrete has been decided. It wouldn’t hurt to hear different perspectives.”
Halder, looking displeased, backed down. He remembered that Halder, like Guderian, disliked the radical officers who were pushing for mechanization. He had also disliked Model.
“…Thank you, Kleist-Schmenzin. If you’re seeking Britain’s support, you’re negotiating as the Widerstand, the German resistance, correct?”
“Indeed.” Beck’s curt reply prompted him to continue, “Then, Generaloberst, in diplomatic negotiations, both parties must gain something. What can we offer Britain in exchange for recognizing our claims to the Sudetenland and Danzig?”
Britain wasn’t particularly interested in supporting the German resistance. If they had believed that supporting the resistance was a better option than negotiating with Hitler, the Munich Agreement would never have happened.
“We’re offering to remove their enemy, Hitler.” Goerdeler, former mayor of Leipzig and a prominent monarchist politician, replied as if it were obvious.
“…With all due respect, Herr Doktor, Hitler is their enemy because of his territorial ambitions. Why wouldn’t we be considered their enemy if we harbor the same ambitions?”
Goerdeler’s face reddened, and he shouted, “Preposterous! Are you suggesting we abandon the Kaiser’s, Germany’s territory?!”
The Junker officers and generals glared at him, agreeing with Goerdeler.
This was maddening.
“You should know, Captain, that according to the Locarno Treaties, Germany only formally recognized the loss of its western territories, not its eastern territories. We have legitimate claims to those territories.” Kleist-Schmenzin’s placating words were met with chuckles.
It was true that Germany, in the Locarno Treaties of 1925, had recognized its western borders with France and Belgium, while leaving the eastern borders open to interpretation.
But that had been a concession to appease the hardliners in Germany. Britain and France had agreed to mediate the eastern borders, but that didn’t mean Germany could simply invade and annex those territories!
“That was to leave room for diplomatic mediation. I’m not suggesting we abandon our claims entirely, but I don’t think Britain will support us while acknowledging those claims. If we want their help, we need to show them that we are different from the Nazis, that they will gain something if we replace the current regime. If we start by demanding recognition of our territorial claims, they might refuse to negotiate altogether.”
“That’s quite arrogant for a mere captain, isn’t it?” Halder expressed his displeasure openly, and the other officers also looked disapproving.
Damn it, he wasn’t getting through to them…
Then, unexpectedly, he received support. “The captain has a point. There’s no benefit in informing Britain of our plans to reclaim our eastern territories. It would be more advantageous to discuss territorial claims after we’ve established a legitimate government and are negotiating as equals.”
“Hmm…”
It was Ernst von Weizsäcker, the State Secretary of the Foreign Office, Ribbentrop’s deputy. This was unexpected.
The officers, who had scoffed at his words when he was just a captain, were now listening attentively, as a high-ranking diplomat had expressed his support.
He glanced at Weizsäcker. The man who had been whispering to him smiled and gave a small wave. He had never seen him before. Who was he?
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The meeting concluded without any significant progress. It was decided that Kleist-Schmenzin would be sent as an envoy to Britain to seek their support.
He had been hoping to discuss how they planned to overthrow the Nazis, but Hans Oster, the mastermind of the plot, was absent due to other commitments.
Today’s meeting had been about introductions and discussions about future positions, not about concrete plans. These politicians were more interested in power than in the actual process of seizing it.
He couldn’t rely on these slow-moving dignitaries.
—
“Captain Schacht, I knew you were bold when you challenged me, but this is… excessive. I can’t keep up.”
“Um… I apologize, Lieutenant Colonel.” He apologized awkwardly to Tresckow, who was chain-smoking and looking at him sardonically.
“You’re probably relying on your father’s influence, but this kind of behavior will make a bad impression on your superiors.”
“Yes, sir. I’ll be more careful.”
His father was busy talking to the dignitaries who had expressed interest in him. He had excused himself and was now being lectured by Tresckow, but his mind was elsewhere.
He hadn’t expected much from the Schwarze Kapelle leadership. He knew that the people who actually carried out the plot were more important than the figureheads.
But he had at least expected to discuss the general outline of the plan with Oster… He had underestimated their incompetence.
As he was starting to feel disheartened, a cheerful voice called out, “Ah, there you are!”
It was the man who had been standing next to Weizsäcker. He was probably the one who had actually helped him.
“Thank you again for your support. Captain Dietrich Schacht.”
“Nice to meet you, Captain Schacht! Erich Kordt, Director of the European Department at the Foreign Office! Fräulein Jung has told me a lot about you.”
“Ah, you know Fräulein Jung. It’s a pleasure to meet you.”
Their workaholic journalist had a surprisingly wide network of contacts…
Kordt greeted him enthusiastically, “I’m grateful to you for reminding those officers of the basics of diplomacy! My brother is the ambassador in London, so you can consider Britain our domain!”
“That’s good to hear. Director of the European Department… impressive.” They shook hands, smiling.
“Haha, it’s nothing special. I was Ribbentrop’s assistant when he was ambassador in London. I was promoted when he became Foreign Minister.”
Ribbentrop had become Foreign Minister this year, so Kordt must have been recently promoted.
“I see. Congratulations.”
“Thank you. I was a bit surprised earlier. I honestly wasn’t expecting much from this meeting, but you spoke as if you had personally negotiated with the British.”
“…I was just considering their perspective.” Even without his knowledge of the future, it was common sense that Britain wouldn’t recognize the territorial claims of a resistance group that hadn’t even seized power yet.
They were the ones asking for help. Britain could even demand that they renounce their claims to their eastern territories in exchange for their support.
Of course, they couldn’t agree to such a demand, as it would outrage the Junkers and the German public.
“I don’t think we can expect anything concrete from Britain at this point. The best we can do is let them know we exist and create a situation where they will have positive expectations for us when we form a government.”
“Hmm, and how do you propose we do that?” Kordt seemed unusually interested in him.
What had Claudia told him? She should have at least told him!
This was a good opportunity to make a good impression on a Foreign Office official involved in the conspiracy, so he wanted to take advantage of it.
“Britain isn’t ready for war yet. They want to buy time without provoking Germany. It won’t be easy to get their support at this point.”
In the original timeline, the conspirators had decided to act only if Britain declared war on Germany. They had contacted Britain several times, but the result had been the Munich Agreement.
Britain had preferred to appease Hitler, even at the cost of being branded as appeasers, rather than negotiate with the resistance.
“…Frankly, I think the idea of relying on Britain to overthrow the regime is flawed. With strong anti-war sentiment after the last war, Britain is unlikely to risk war just to help us seize power in Germany. France even less so.”
Seeing the atmosphere in today’s meeting, he understood why Britain had ignored the resistance and signed the Munich Agreement. These people, who hadn’t even seized power, were making demands about the Sudetenland and Danzig, while Hitler had at least signed an agreement promising not to make further territorial demands.
At the time, it had been difficult to imagine that a head of state would break his promise within a year.
“Elections are the foundation of their foreign policy. They need to win elections to stay in power. They won’t risk war to support a German resistance group against the will of their people.”
Britain and France’s appeasement of Germany during the interwar period had also been influenced by upcoming elections. The British general election was scheduled for November 1939, the French for April 1940. No politician wanted to declare war on behalf of an ally at the end of their term.
In democratic countries, elections were paramount. They would tolerate even Hitler’s aggression if it didn’t affect their elections. They had been more interested in the lobbying of Spanish capitalists than in the bloodshed in the Spanish Civil War.
Realpolitik was cold and cruel.
“We must avoid a British declaration of war on Germany. If they declare war, it means that public opinion has shifted towards confronting Germany, even at the risk of war. At that point, nothing we do will be able to prevent war. We will all be seen as enemies, just like Hitler.”
This was the fundamental limitation of the German resistance in the original timeline. They planned to overthrow Hitler and then negotiate peace with the Allies? They would be lucky if Germany wasn’t dismembered after a civil war against the remaining Nazis.
They had to succeed before World War II broke out, before Britain and France declared war on Germany.
Kordt, lost in thought, finally spoke, “This is… a completely new perspective. But it makes sense. Frankly, I think it’s more realistic, at least diplomatically, than the current plan.”
“But how do you plan to overthrow the Nazis? They have genuine popular support.” Tresckow, who had been listening quietly and smoking, spoke up.
That was the key question. The conspirators hadn’t relied on Britain out of foolishness. They had believed that overthrowing the Nazis, who enjoyed popular support, would be impossible unless Germany was destabilized by war with Britain.
That was why they had resorted to such a desperate measure.
They had to overthrow the Nazis, who had the support of the people, using only internal forces. That was the challenge.
“…We need to expose them for what they are: a corrupt and brutal group that is destroying Germany, despite their claims of being patriots building a greater nation.”
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