Chapter 29: Interwar Period – The Sudetenland Crisis (6)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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Time flew by, and September, the month of the Munich Agreement in the original timeline, was fast approaching. The Sudetenland crisis had become a global issue.
Hitler was clamoring daily about liberating the Sudeten Germans, while Czechoslovakia was openly deploying troops to the Sudetenland, suppressing the local German population. Rumors of France considering mobilization had sent the German military into a near panic.
Finally, the resistance group started to act with more urgency.
—
August 25, 1938
An Apartment in Berlin, Germany
“Is there… any way to contain this?”
Generaloberst Ludwig Beck’s desperate plea was met with a shake of the head from Oberstleutnant Hans Oster, the driving force behind the conspiracy.
“The Abwehr is doing its best, but the Nazis’ propaganda is blatant and large-scale. Our efforts are hampered by the need for secrecy.”
Hitler’s plan was to provoke an uprising by the Sudeten Germans, which Czechoslovakia would then suppress. This would give him the pretext to declare war, ostensibly to protect the Germans. He intended to seize the Sudetenland, using German blood as justification.
However, under the Locarno Treaties, France was obligated to guarantee Czechoslovakia’s independence. Czechoslovakia, still feeling insecure, had also signed a defense treaty with the Soviet Union, contingent on French involvement. A three-front war was a real possibility, and the German military, still in the midst of rearmament, was understandably frantic.
They had secretly deployed the Abwehr (the military intelligence agency).
Under Oster’s orders, the Abwehr had been working to pacify the Sudeten Germans and discourage any violent protests, achieving some success.
However, frustrated by the Abwehr’s interference, the Nazi Party had openly deployed the SD (Sicherheitsdienst, the Nazi Party’s intelligence agency) to incite the Sudeten Germans.
Unlike the Abwehr, which had to operate covertly, the SD had no such restrictions. Moreover, its leader, Reinhard Heydrich, was ruthless and unscrupulous.
The Abwehr’s attempts to contain the unrest in the Sudetenland were reaching their limits.
“I’m afraid a large-scale uprising in the Sudetenland is inevitable. It’s the pretext Hitler wants for war.”
Groans filled the room. Beck voiced their last hope, “What about the British…?”
Staatssekretär Ernst von Weizsäcker, State Secretary of the Foreign Office, shook his head, “They’re not very enthusiastic.”
“Those perfidious islanders!”
“What makes that madman Hitler think he can start a war?!” The room erupted in a cacophony of outrage and confusion.
“What are we supposed to do? We can’t guarantee victory against Czechoslovakia, let alone Britain and France! Those damned fortifications will stop our offensive!” Generaloberst Franz Halder, Chief of the General Staff, seemed to be in a state of panic.
He recalled Halder’s plan to advance through southern Silesia, dividing Czech and Slovak forces. Czechoslovakia had anticipated this and built fortifications accordingly. The outcome of such an offensive was predictable, which explained Halder’s desperation.
Oster caught his eye, and he nodded. They were at a crossroads: act now, or face war. At least, that’s how it appeared to the others.
“…You have to make a decision.” Oster’s words silenced the room.
“If we don’t remove Hitler and the Nazis now, we’ll be fighting another war as Hitler’s Germany.”
Still, no one spoke. The anxious dignitaries exchanged glances, hesitant to commit. Oster waited patiently, and finally, Beck spoke, “What… are you planning to do?”
“I intend to use Stahlhelm members to raid the Chancellery and either capture or kill Hitler. Meanwhile, we deploy our divisions to suppress the SS and declare the formation of a new government.”
The Stahlhelm (Steel Helmet) was a paramilitary organization of right-wing conservatives, essentially a group of political thugs composed of unemployed World War I veterans and monarchist Junkers.
They had been absorbed into the SA (Sturmabteilung) after Hitler’s rise to power, but their incompatible ideology had led to conflicts with the Nazi Party. They had been purged and disbanded during the Night of the Long Knives.
He was reluctant to rely on a group of thugs, even if they were anti-Nazi, but they were desperate. Many high-ranking German officers had been Stahlhelm members.
“How do you plan to mobilize the Stahlhelm?”
“I still have contacts.” It was Graf von Blumenthal who spoke. He had been a prominent Stahlhelm member and had witnessed the purge of his comrades during the Night of the Long Knives.
He had survived thanks to his connections to Crown Prince Wilhelm’s eldest son and Countess Ciano, Mussolini’s daughter, and Göring’s protection. But having witnessed the purge, his eagerness to act was understandable.
“Are you sure your contacts are enough? This is a serious undertaking…”
“These are the men who watched their comrades die at the hands of the Nazis during the Night of the Long Knives. I’ve known them for a long time. I wouldn’t be reckless.”
Halder started to object but stopped at Blumenthal’s sharp response. Even as a mere lieutenant, the count’s connection to the imperial family gave him considerable weight.
Blumenthal’s contacts alone wouldn’t be enough. Many former Stahlhelm members, facing hardship, had joined the rapidly expanding SS.
He was vetting and recruiting those who hadn’t defected, funding the operation with his father’s approval.
“Then the issue is which divisions to mobilize. Witzleben, can you do it?”
“Yes. My current command includes officers affected by the recent incident. They will join our cause.” Generalfeldmarschall Erwin von Witzleben had been briefly retired for demanding an investigation into the Blomberg-Fritsch Affair, but had been reinstated in anticipation of the war with Czechoslovakia.
“With your approval, I can make the necessary preparations. All that remains is your decision.”
Oster’s urging was met with uneasy silence. The plan felt woefully inadequate, but there was no such thing as a perfect coup.
He hoped the Abwehr’s preparations would prove effective, but the crucial factor was the hesitant leadership’s decision.
Coups often failed due to indecision and internal divisions. Even a unified, well-executed plan could be derailed by unforeseen circumstances. For a numerically inferior coup faction, unity was paramount.
They needed Germany’s influential figures to commit to overthrowing the Nazis.
Historically, Reinhard Heydrich and the SD, preoccupied with the Sudetenland operation, had been unaware of the Black Orchestra’s plot. If they could launch the coup, they had a chance.
They could address the plan’s flaws, but without a decisive leadership, even the most perfect plan was just a piece of paper.
“What about Brauchitsch?” Beck’s hesitant question was answered by Halder’s frown, “He’s unlikely to cooperate.”
Sighs filled the room. Generalfeldmarschall Walther von Brauchitsch, Model’s mentor, wouldn’t cooperate, as he had expected. The military leaders had supported Brauchitsch’s appointment as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, believing he would act as a check on Hitler.
They didn’t know that Brauchitsch was indebted to Hitler and under his thumb.
Without the Commander-in-Chief’s support, they couldn’t be certain which side the other generals would take.
Civil war was inevitable. The conspirators were hoping to avoid civil war and eliminate Hitler and the Nazis in one fell swoop, but that was a pipe dream.
“Without the support of Army High Command, we can only act after Britain declares war. A British declaration of war will force Brauchitsch to realize the futility of resistance and support our cause.”
Beck’s conclusion filled him with despair. This was how it happened. They wanted to avoid civil war, but lacking the Commander-in-Chief’s support, they would wait for Britain to declare war, hoping for chaos in the government and the military.
However, contrary to their expectations, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain would cave in to Hitler’s threats and sign the Munich Agreement.
This was why their coup, despite concrete plans, had never been executed.
“But, Generaloberst, Britain won’t guarantee their support.”
“Then get their support! That’s what the Foreign Office is for! We’re providing the military and devising the plan!” Beck’s response to Weizsäcker was irritable. The Foreign Office was being put in a difficult position. Oster gave him a look. He had to step in. If Oster, the key figure in the coup, alienated the stubborn leadership, it would jeopardize the entire plan.
He sighed. But there was no turning back. The conspirators, desperate to avoid war, couldn’t fathom the consequences of the Munich Agreement.
The adulation and support Hitler would receive after such a stunning diplomatic victory would only grow in the early stages of World War II.
That support would only waver after the defeat at Stalingrad. By then, it would be too late.
“Generaloberst, with all due respect, may I speak?”
“You again.” Halder glared at him. Being a captain disliked by the Chief of the General Staff wasn’t his ideal position…
Beck glanced at his father, Hjalmar Schacht, who was watching the chaos unfold with a stoic expression, then nodded, “Speak.”
He wanted to flee under the cold gazes of the dignitaries, but… Anything was better than fighting in World War II.
“Are we conspiring to become traitors?”
“What?!”
“How dare you!”
“Outrageous!” The dignitaries predictably erupted in indignant fury.
He had to use shock tactics to make them listen.
Oster intervened, silencing the room with a raised hand, then fixed him with an intense stare, “Explain yourself, Captain. Choose your words carefully.”
Oster commanded respect, even from the high-ranking officers. He felt ashamed of his earlier dismissive thoughts about Oster. He had coordinated his statement with Oster, but from this point on, he was on his own.
He swallowed and began, “State Secretary, with all due respect, is Britain our ally? Have they provided us with any diplomatic assurances of support or recognition as a legitimate government?”
He had no idea if his words would have any impact. His throat was dry, but he had to press on.
“…No.” Weizsäcker immediately confirmed his statement.
“I know most of you here have far more experience and accomplishments than a mere captain like myself, having served in the last war. But why are we relying on Britain?”
If you falter, remember Hitler, your enemy. He wasn’t more intelligent than these men, but his conviction was mesmerizing.
“At this moment, they are not connected to us in any way. They were our enemies in the last war, allied with our traditional enemy, France. Many of those who fought against you in the last war are now in their government.”
The gazes of the veteran officers and politicians felt like needles, but his voice grew stronger, “If they declare war on Germany to stop Hitler, will they stand idly by while we overthrow the Nazis? Absolutely not.”
Absolutely not.
“Britain was more lenient than France in revising the Treaty of Versailles, not out of goodwill towards Germany, but because we were weakened by the war, and they didn’t want France to dominate Europe.”
His only advantage was his certainty. “Consider their ally, France. Do you think those arrogant people, who once trampled our industrial heartland, the Ruhr, under their boots, will just stand by while we change our government and stabilize our country?”
If necessary, provoke their deepest shame.
“They failed to respond to the remilitarization of the Rhineland for one reason: they misjudged our strength. You all know what would have happened if the French had attacked us then.”
All the generals present had been terrified, urging Hitler to reconsider. The current situation was not much different.
“We have overcome that trial and rearmed, now posing a threat to both Britain and France. Do you think their politicians, who declared war on us despite public opposition, will simply leave us alone now that we have grown strong enough to threaten them, despite the harsh Treaty of Versailles?”
Relying on a single source of hope was a trap. It blinded them to the fact that they were clinging to a rotten rope.
“They will try to eliminate the threat of Germany permanently, more harshly and decisively than in the last war. If they declare war and invade Germany, we’ll have only two choices.” A strange shiver ran down his spine, a feeling of certainty that felt like a burning fever.
“We can launch our coup and be branded as traitors who divided Germany and left it vulnerable to Britain and France, or we can fight for Hitler’s Germany until the bitter end, perishing alongside our nation.”
“A… a mere captain dares to…” Halder looked around for support, but he was met with silence.
It was strange to see the usually vocal dignitaries silenced by his words.
Had they never considered this possibility? Impossible. These were Germany’s veteran soldiers and politicians, not incompetent fools. They simply wanted to avoid facing the worst-case scenario.
Even Hitler, clinging to the hope of a peace agreement with Britain until the very end, had allowed the Miracle of Dunkirk, contributing to his eventual defeat. World War II was a hellish creation of hopes that had averted only the worst, yet created something far worse.
The hope that Hitler and the Nazis were better than the communists.
The hope that appeasing Hitler with the Sudetenland would prevent another war.
The hope that the pact with the Soviet Union would deter Britain and France from intervening.
The hope that their past successes would continue, even with Danzig.
Hope, the greatest source of comfort, was cruelly deceptive in this era. He had to shatter their illusions.
“We can’t ignore this any longer. If war breaks out, Germany is doomed.”
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