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I Don’t Need Nazis In My Germany – Chapter 33

Interwar Period - Widerstand (3)

Chapter 33: Interwar Period – Widerstand (3)

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From the night of November 9th to the dawn of the 10th, the SS rampaged through Germany, attacking Jewish businesses and burning synagogues. Jews were dragged from their homes, beaten, and lynched. The streets were littered with the bodies of those killed outright.

Shattered glass from shop windows covered the streets, giving rise to the name Kristallnacht, the “Night of Broken Glass.” The Nazis, ignoring all laws, imposed a one billion Reichsmark fine on the Jewish community, effectively confiscating their remaining wealth.

This organized pogrom, disguised as a spontaneous outburst of public anger fueled by Goebbels’ propaganda, was ruthlessly efficient, demonstrating that the Nazi rhetoric of Jewish extermination wasn’t mere rhetoric, but a terrifying reality.

A few fortunate Jews were protected by sympathetic Germans, but they were the exception. After the pogrom, the Nazis used various pretexts to round up tens of thousands of Jews and send them to concentration camps.

A harsh winter and a new year began for the Jewish community.

1939. The year World War II began.

January 7, 1939

Reichstag Building, Berlin, Germany

The high-ranking officials of Nazi Germany, the Third Reich, were gathered in the Reichstag.

Hitler, fresh off his diplomatic triumph in Munich, dropped another bombshell, just three months after the Sudetenland crisis.

“We will annex the rest of Czechoslovakia and reclaim the Danzig Corridor from Poland.”

Silence filled the room. They were stunned into speechlessness.

“Oh, and we should also take the Memel Territory. We can probably get that from Lithuania with a bit of intimidation.”

Weizsäcker, State Secretary of the Foreign Office, was the first to recover, “With all due respect, my Führer, you signed an agreement in Munich that guaranteed no further territorial demands.”

Hitler laughed, “That’s just a piece of paper.”

While Weizsäcker was speechless, Ribbentrop, the Foreign Minister, quickly seized the opportunity to flatter Hitler, “Indeed, my Führer. Such outdated treaties are meaningless in the face of Germany’s new diplomatic power.”

“Haha, you’re much better than von Neurath, Ribbentrop.”

The room buzzed with unease, but no one dared to speak.

“Then I’ll take that as a yes. General Keitel, instruct the OKW to prepare the plans.”

“Of course, my Führer.” Generalfeldmarschall Wilhelm Keitel, a mere figurehead, always obeyed Hitler’s orders. As this absurd proposal was about to be approved, someone raised their hand.

“…What is it now?” Hitler frowned slightly at the interruption. It was Hjalmar Schacht.

“My Führer, another war and further military expansion will ruin Germany’s economy. We should reduce military spending and focus on the civilian economy.”

Hitler scowled, but Schacht remained impassive. “Not this again. You underestimate the strength of the German economy…”

“You understand the strength of the German economy so well that you’ve driven us to the brink of insolvency with your MEFO bills and depleted our gold reserves. Reichsmarschall Göring.”

Göring, trying to assert himself against his defeated rival, flushed and fell silent.

Hitler turned sharply to Walther Funk, the Minister of Economics, “Is this true?”

“My Führer, it’s true, but if we annex Czechoslovakia, we can seize their gold reserves and alleviate the credit crunch…”

“Damn it! How could you mismanage the economy so badly?!” Funk cowered under Hitler’s fury.

Hitler glared at Göring, who flinched, then turned back to Schacht, “This has been happening since you were Minister of Economics! Don’t act as if you bear no responsibility!”

Everyone knew that Schacht had been dismissed for advocating for reduced military spending and a focus on the civilian economy.

But the room remained silent.

“…Then I have no reason to remain here.” Schacht stood up and quietly left. No one spoke.

On January 19th, Hjalmar Schacht was dismissed as President of the Reichsbank. The plans for the annexation of Czechoslovakia and the invasion of Poland were set in motion.


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January 23, 1939

Abwehr Headquarters, Berlin, Germany

“Sit down, Captain. Would you like some coffee?”

“Thank you, Admiral.” He was meeting with Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, head of the Abwehr. Canaris was their most powerful remaining ally in the resistance.

After the Munich Agreement, many key figures, including Halder and several high-ranking officers and monarchists, had lost their enthusiasm.

But Oster hadn’t given up. With Canaris’s support, they were continuing their preparations for the coup.

The success of a coup depended on the meticulous planning and preparation of its key figures.

The monarchists and high-ranking officers of the Black Orchestra would return when the threat of war became imminent. History had proven that much.

He, however, had other plans besides the coup itself.

“Thanks to the support from Count Moltke and the wealthy Silesian families, we’ve been able to significantly expand our covert operations. You’ve done well.”

“Thank you.” Canaris was helping Jewish refugees escape Germany by disguising them as Abwehr agents. He had also ordered the Abwehr to obstruct the Nazis’ plans in the Sudetenland at Oster’s request.

Such activities required funding. While they could use and disguise official funds, there were limits. External funding was crucial.

His father, Hjalmar Schacht, having refused to compromise his principles, had been dismissed from his position.

But thanks to the protection of Brauchitsch, now Commander-in-Chief of the Army, Generaloberst Wolfram von Richthofen of the Luftwaffe, and Canaris, he had remained unscathed.

Canaris sipped his coffee, then spoke, “As you said… the situation in the concentration camps is dire. They crammed tens of thousands of Jews into camps without adequate resources. Many have died during the winter.”

“…I can imagine.” The Nazis had no intention of providing for the Jews they had imprisoned.

While some supplies were sent to the camps, the staff, mostly Nazis themselves, often embezzled them.

While the extermination camps weren’t operational yet, cramming thousands into camps without food or warm clothing was essentially a death sentence.

“I’ve gathered the photographic evidence you requested, but what do you intend to do with it?”

“We’ll need it to sway public opinion after the coup, Admiral.”

Canaris frowned. He had no choice but to use whatever methods necessary.

The members of the Black Orchestra, being soldiers, were bound by tradition and a sense of honor. Oster had even suggested capturing Hitler alive and proving his insanity through a psychological evaluation to legitimize the coup.

He had had to dissuade him from such naive idealism. It was foolish to adhere to a soldier’s code of honor against such ruthless fanatics.

“Sometimes I think you’re more of a politician than a soldier.”

“Is that so?” Perhaps. He couldn’t adhere to military discipline and aristocratic ideals in this insane era, with his 21st-century mindset.

If they were bound by their military and aristocratic traditions, he would do whatever was necessary to succeed.

Canaris’s expression turned serious, “I hear you’ve been recruiting members of the Social Democratic Party. You’re not thinking of involving those Soviet puppets, are you?”

He was being monitored. It was only natural for the head of military intelligence.

“Of course not, Admiral. I fought against them in the Spanish Civil War.”

“I’m glad to hear that. But social democrats, communists, they’re all the same. Stay away from them.” Canaris, despite his relative lack of anti-Semitism and anti-democratic sentiments, was a staunch anti-communist.

This was a delicate issue. He had considered this carefully. Anti-communists were prevalent in the Black Orchestra. He was well aware of the risks involved in collaborating with the social democrats.

“I have a proposal, Admiral.”

“A proposal?”

He had worked hard on this. He hoped Canaris would accept it.

“You’re aware that the leaders of the Social Democratic Party are imprisoned in Dachau.”

“…Yes.”

He swallowed. He hoped Canaris would be flexible.

“The social democrats have agreed to renounce Marxism and sever all ties with the communist Rote Kapelle (Red Orchestra) in exchange for the release of their leaders from Dachau during the coup.” He and Claudia had spent countless hours negotiating this agreement with the social democrats.

“Renounce Marxism? Then they’re not communists?” Canaris seemed puzzled. Anti-communists tended to label anyone with even vaguely socialist leanings as a communist.

But this was essential. The resistance, already facing overwhelming odds, couldn’t afford internal divisions. Moreover, he needed the social democrats’ support to reshape Germany after the coup.

Berlin and eastern Germany were traditional Social Democratic strongholds, where resentment over the Nazis’ arbitrary use of the Enabling Act and the dissolution of the elected Prussian government was still simmering.

“Yes, Admiral. They’ve agreed to abandon their unrealistic and subversive ideology of class struggle and planned economy and join us against Hitler. They also harbor resentment against the communists, who repeatedly sabotaged the Social Democratic Party during the Weimar era.”

He subtly emphasized the distinction between the communists and the social democrats, and Canaris didn’t object.

“They still wield considerable influence in Prussia, which comprises most of Germany. Their support will be invaluable during the coup.”

In the original timeline, the German social democrats wouldn’t abandon Marxism and embrace capitalist reforms until the Godesberg Program, twenty years from now.

He had worked tirelessly to bring about this shift twenty years earlier. Even Claudia had been shocked to learn that capitalist democracies hadn’t collapsed in the future, but had continued to grow.

She had been even more stunned, almost catatonic for days, when he explained that Marxism had only taken root in backward countries like Russia and China through violent revolutions, and even then, it had led to societal stagnation.

He had leveraged the social democrats’ current weakness, with their leaders imprisoned and many members in exile, and their fear of being absorbed by the Soviet-controlled communists…

…but he couldn’t have achieved this without Claudia’s unwavering support, backed by Willy Brandt’s trust.

“…I’m not sure. Do we really need to involve… them? If they’re not communists, then… what if they change their minds later?”

“If they betray us, we can suppress them with the military, Admiral.” It wasn’t a pleasant thought, but it was the most reassuring argument for a military anti-communist. Less than eight months remained until the outbreak of World War II. He had no choice but to trust the social democrats.

“Well… if you put it that way, I’ll leave that to your discretion.”

“Thank you, Admiral!”

The foundation for a united resistance, encompassing monarchist military factions, liberals, and social democrats, had been laid.

Even if the other monarchists in the Black Orchestra objected later, Canaris’s approval limited their influence. They would eventually return, but their power would be diminished.

“By the way, I’ve located the individual you mentioned… Konrad Adenauer, the former mayor of Cologne. Why are you interested in him?”

Konrad Adenauer. The former mayor of Cologne, an anti-Nazi politician with a questionable personality but undeniable competence. In the original timeline, he would become the first Chancellor of West Germany, hailed as the father of the nation.

“He’s a valuable asset, Admiral. According to the plan Oster and I are developing, he’s the best candidate to stabilize Cologne and the Ruhr region after we secure the Rhineland.”

This was a crucial part of his plan for the inevitable civil war.

The Rhineland and the Ruhr industrial area had always harbored separatist sentiments and resentment towards Prussia, the dominant German state. As a result, Nazi support in the region was lukewarm.

While their anti-Prussian sentiment made them incompatible with the Black Orchestra, he believed Konrad Adenauer, whose political skills had even impressed Hitler, could win them over.

Even if they succeeded in removing Hitler, the Nazis wouldn’t simply vanish.

Stauffenberg and the Black Orchestra had failed not only because Hitler had survived, but because they lacked secure bases of support.

They had been forced to act when Hitler and the SD were most vigilant. He, however, was in a better position. The war hadn’t started yet.

So, while they would attempt to assassinate Hitler, they wouldn’t rely on luck. They would build a base of support and launch a civil war from western Germany.

He looked forward to seeing the Nazis’ reaction when they lost the heart of German industry at the start of the civil war.


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I Don’t Need Nazis In My Germany

I Don’t Need Nazis In My Germany

내 독일에 나치는 필요없다
Score 8.6
Status: Ongoing Type: Author: , Released: 2020 Native Language: Korean
Yoon Sung-il, a young man from South Korea, had just experienced the exhilarating joy of being discharged from mandatory military service. The next day, however, he awoke to a chilling reality. "Lieutenant?" He opened his eyes to find himself a soldier once again. Not just any soldier, but a Wehrmacht officer in Nazi Germany during the Spanish Civil War. The horrors of war unfolded before him. For his own sake, and for the sake of his people, he had to prevent the impending madness of World War II. And to do that, he had to eliminate the Nazis. "My Germany doesn't need Nazis."

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