Chapter 35: Interwar Period – Widerstand (5)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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On April 5th, Italy annexed Albania. The event, overshadowed by Germany’s aggressive posturing, passed largely unnoticed. Britain and France applied pressure on Germany, warning against further territorial expansion, but Hitler’s response was simple.
On April 28th, he unilaterally renounced the German-Polish Non-Aggression Pact and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement, a concession Britain had made to Germany despite criticism from France and Italy.
Hitler’s message was clear: he would secure Danzig, regardless of British and French objections. Around the same time, the Soviet Union replaced its Foreign Minister, Maxim Litvinov, with Vyacheslav Molotov.
As summer approached, Hitler pressed Poland to cede Danzig or face war.
Poland, however, having participated in the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia, had no intention of relinquishing its only access to the sea.
—
July 10, 1939
Resistance Safehouse, Berlin, Germany
The Black Orchestra, led by former Chief of the General Staff Ludwig Beck and the conservative politician Carl Friedrich Goerdeler, had reconvened. In the original timeline, they had been too late. The invasion of Poland and France had followed in quick succession, depriving them of their opportunity. Their attempt, Operation Valkyrie, wouldn’t come until 1944, and it would fail.
“Hitler’s adventurism is dangerous for Germany, but he’s been successful so far. Perhaps he can even secure Danzig. Is it worth the risk…?” Beck’s words were hesitant, as always. He was infuriating.
“With all due respect, Generaloberst, the situation is different this time. They appeased him with the Sudetenland, but Hitler’s annexation of Czechoslovakia has shattered Germany’s credibility.” No one challenged his words. He was no longer a mere Captain. He had become a key figure in the resistance, working tirelessly behind the scenes.
The Abwehr’s recent operations had been significantly funded by his father, Count Moltke, and the Silesian financiers he had recruited. Canaris hadn’t forgotten his contributions. The admiral’s continued support had given him considerable influence.
“But the return of Danzig and the Polish Corridor is a national aspiration, Captain. It’s a risky time for a coup.” General Erwin von Witzleben’s point was valid. Every faction in Germany, from fascists to communists, desired the return of Danzig and the Polish Corridor.
“Of course, General. But are we prepared for war with Britain and France over Danzig? The Siegfried Line will crumble quickly.”
Hitler’s order to prepare for the invasion of Poland, initially delayed by the army’s objections, had finally been implemented in April. The Siegfried Line, intended to defend against a French invasion, was inadequate.
Generaloberst Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb, commander of Army Group C stationed along the Siegfried Line, had warned Hitler that it would fall within three days of a French attack. Hitler had boasted it would hold for three years.
While the “Phony War” was infamous for France’s inaction, they had actually launched an offensive into the Saarland, engaging Leeb’s Army Group C.
Army Group C, vastly outnumbered, had been routed. While Hitler had ordered them to avoid a major engagement, the disparity in strength was too great.
Had the French High Command not ordered a retreat, fearing a collapse of the Polish front, they might have reached the Ruhr.
“If Hitler truly wanted Danzig without war, he should have focused on Danzig first, not the Sudetenland and Czechoslovakia.”
Had Hitler done so, Poland might have been pressured into ceding Danzig by Britain and France.
It was unlikely that Poland, fiercely proud and expansionist, would have accepted such a deal. Hitler’s demands were unreasonable. But the Munich Agreement hadn’t been reasonable either.
Poland, even at this point, refused to join the proposed anti-German alliance with Britain, France, and the Soviet Union. They would never cooperate with the Soviets.
Had Germany’s credibility not been damaged by the annexation of Czechoslovakia, Britain and France might have pressured Poland into ceding Danzig, as they had done with Czechoslovakia.
“Britain and France have no room to maneuver. Appeasement has failed. Their elections are approaching. They will send their young men to war rather than risk losing their positions.”
The British general election was scheduled for November 1939. Even Neville Chamberlain, who had desperately tried to avoid war, had finally chosen to fight because he knew that further appeasement would destroy the Conservative Party.
No one at this point foresaw the fall of France in six weeks. That was why Britain and France were willing to declare war, and why the German military feared such a scenario.
The Black Orchestra’s leadership was still hesitant, but they knew they were no longer indispensable. He, Oster, and Tresckow had done most of the planning, with support from the Abwehr and the resources he had secured.
“Do you have a plan?” Beck finally asked the crucial question. They were halfway there. He yielded to Oster, who unfurled a map.
“This is Hitler’s plan for the invasion of Poland. It’s not finalized, but the details are being worked out. Hitler has placed his loyal generals, or at least those who haven’t openly opposed him, in command of the invasion force. The others have been assigned to the Siegfried Line… the western front.”
As Beck and the other officers nodded, Oster continued, “Army Group C, stationed along the Siegfried Line, is commanded by Generaloberst Wilhelm Ritter von Leeb. He’s dissatisfied with Hitler and the Nazis, and he’s a monarchist. We can persuade him to join us. If we secure Leeb, we can secure Frankfurt, the headquarters of Army Group C.”
Leeb, a staunch monarchist disliked by the Nazi Party, had been forced into retirement during the Blomberg-Fritsch Affair, recalled during the Sudetenland crisis, and dismissed again after the Munich Agreement.
Now, he had been promoted to Generaloberst and placed in command of Army Group C, effectively a sacrificial pawn to buy time against France.
Having openly criticized the Siegfried Line’s defensive capabilities, Leeb’s dissatisfaction was palpable.
Moreover, Frankfurt, a major transportation hub and a large city, was also the home of the Frankfurter Zeitung. It would serve as an excellent provisional capital for the new government.
“First Army, under Army Group C, is commanded by General Witzleben. You can secure the Saarland, General.”
“I can control my troops. The problem is General Walter Kuntze, commander of XXIV Corps. He’s a Nazi. We’ll have to deal with him.” Witzleben, one of their most active supporters, was with them again.
“Friedrich Dollmann, commander of Seventh Army in Stuttgart, is a fervent Nazi. We can’t win him over. We’ll arrest him and replace him with Generaloberst Kurt von Hammerstein-Equord, who was forced into retirement for opposing Hitler.” The other officers murmured.
“Are you suggesting… a civil war, Lieutenant Colonel Oster? You intend to secure all of western Germany.”
“We will attempt to assassinate Hitler. Count Blumenthal will handle that, as planned during the Sudetenland crisis. But…” He took over, at Oster’s signal.
“Unfortunately, after the failure of the Munich plot, Hitler’s popularity is at an all-time high. Even if the assassination succeeds, Himmler, Göring, or someone else will crush us. We lack the popular support to challenge them directly.” The older officers shifted uncomfortably at the word “unfortunately.” He had chosen his words carefully. Damn Halder…
“We can’t rely on a risky assassination attempt. We need time to win over the public, and we need a secure base to do so.” The officers murmured amongst themselves, but he was confident.
He, Oster, and Tresckow had spent months preparing this plan, meticulously studying the deployment plans, unit compositions, and the political leanings of the commanders involved in the invasion of Poland.
These latecomers, who had distanced themselves from the resistance while Hitler was ascendant, couldn’t possibly have a better plan.
“…But the forces stationed along the Siegfried Line are vastly outnumbered by those on the eastern front. A civil war seems reckless…”
“Generaloberst Fedor von Bock, commander of Army Group North, and Generaloberst Gerd von Rundstedt, commander of Army Group South, are both monarchists. With the right approach, not all of the eastern forces will side with Hitler. And we have additional troops.”
Beck fell silent, but Goerdeler asked, “Additional troops?” This was his contribution.
“We’ll raise a civilian militia of anti-Nazi volunteers. Most of them are former soldiers. They can handle rear-echelon duties.”
“A militia… how will they be armed?” Their reluctance was clear. But they didn’t have a better way to secure the support of the regular army.
“We’ll purchase weapons from Spain, where surplus weapons are being sold off cheaply after the civil war. We’ll smuggle them through the Netherlands. The funds are already secured.” The Abwehr had been the first to contact Franco in Spain. Canaris, a staunch anti-communist, had persuaded Hitler to send the Condor Legion.
Franco had favored Canaris over Hitler, who had extracted numerous concessions from him. The Abwehr’s Spanish network had been used to maintain contact with Britain and prevent Spain from joining the Axis powers.
The Abwehr’s Spanish branch, seeing the destabilizing effect of the surplus weapons flooding the black market, had negotiated a deal with Franco to purchase them at a low price.
Even at a low price, the sheer quantity had required significant funding from his father, Count Moltke, and other wealthy donors.
“The key is justification. We need a casus belli to win over the eastern forces and the public. How can we avoid being labeled as traitors?” Beck had finally asked the most important question.
“…That’s the most crucial part. That’s why the date of the coup will be determined by the Nazis, not us.”
—
The leadership had finally approved the plan. Now they needed someone to transform this vague outline into a concrete military operational plan.
He was meeting with the ideal candidate.
Generalleutnant Erich von Manstein, renowned as one of the Wehrmacht’s most brilliant minds, exhaled a cloud of smoke from his strong cigar. Tresckow had warned him about Manstein’s chain-smoking…
“So… Hauptmann Schacht. A rising star, protected by the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and the Luftwaffe. What business do you have with a sidelined has-been like myself?” Manstein’s tone was subtly mocking.
He didn’t particularly like Manstein. While brilliant, he wasn’t a pleasant person. “To call you a has-been is an exaggeration, General. Everyone acknowledges your unparalleled skills as a staff officer. I have long admired your work.”
Flattery came easily with practice. Manstein chuckled, taking another puff of his cigar, “Model, that inflexible fool, recommended you. I expected someone similar, but you’re quite the political animal.”
“Political soldiers are criticized for neglecting their duties and pursuing personal advancement. But when someone of your exceptional ability is also adept at navigating the political landscape, it’s a commendable trait.” Manstein grinned.
“You have a silver tongue. What do you want, Captain?” Here came the crucial part.
In the original timeline, Manstein had rejected the Black Orchestra’s invitation, saying, “A Prussian field marshal does not mutiny.” However, he hadn’t betrayed them. He had merely ensured his own alibi.
“You are being unfairly sidelined, General, caught in the political crossfire between the army and the Nazi Party. The position currently occupied by Franz Halder rightfully belongs to you.” Manstein, who had been denied the position of Chief of the General Staff, loathed Halder.
Halder had tried to rejoin the Black Orchestra as the war approached, but he and Oster had vehemently objected, and Canaris had refused him entry.
Manstein remained silent, puffing on his cigar. “Hitler’s meddling in the military and his reckless warmongering are destabilizing Germany, General. We intend to rectify this before he leads us to ruin.”
“Ha. You know I publicly declared that the Führer was sent by God to save Germany on his birthday this year?”
“I do. But you didn’t mean it, General.”
Manstein, ambitious and eager to impress Hitler, had publicly praised him. But he was a traditional Prussian Junker at heart, and he disliked Hitler and the Nazis. Hitler, aware of this, reciprocated the sentiment. He tolerated Manstein only because of his abilities.
Manstein wasn’t interested in political or strategic considerations. He cared only for his own advancement. The very reason he had rejected the Black Orchestra – “A Prussian field marshal does not mutiny” – could be used against him now, at the height of his frustration and resentment towards Halder.
“The Nazis have always been wary of Prussian Junkers like yourself, General. They will continue to marginalize you. Lesser men, more palatable to the Nazis, will become your superiors, further suppressing you and other traditional Prussian officers.”
Manstein would achieve fame and promotion to Generalfeldmarschall during the invasion of France, thanks to his brilliant Sichelschnitt plan. But no one could foresee that now.
The plan’s adoption and implementation had been a series of fortunate accidents. He wasn’t sure if it would even be possible in this altered timeline.
Manstein smoked his cigar, not contradicting his words. During Beck’s tenure as Chief of the General Staff, Manstein had been considered the most promising candidate for succession. His feud with Halder had relegated him to positions far below his abilities.
“There are many traditional Prussian officers who share your sentiments, General. If you join us, the position of Chief of the General Staff will be yours.”
Please, take the bait. After a tense silence, Manstein finally spoke, “…I’ve been eager for a chance to get back at that bastard Halder. Tell me more.”
He couldn’t agree more, General Manstein.
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