Chapter 36: Interwar Period – Widerstand (6)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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The coup preparations were proceeding smoothly. The targets for recruitment had been carefully selected, using his knowledge of history, and most had readily agreed to participate.
Manstein, true to form, remained opportunistic, insisting that he would remain at his assigned post as Chief of Staff of Army Group South. This wasn’t unexpected.
They needed Manstein’s strategic brilliance to refine their operational plan. The Wehrmacht had plenty of tactically proficient generals. Manstein’s unique value lay in his ability to orchestrate complex operations.
While his opportunism was irritating, there was a chance he might bring parts of Army Group South over to their side. That would be a welcome bonus.
The problem was Walter Model. He valued Model’s exceptional abilities and was grateful for his past support. He wanted Model on their side.
But Model was a staunch traditionalist who abhorred military involvement in politics and constantly preached loyalty to the state and the regime.
He was also still a Generalmajor, thanks to his previous demotion. He had been appointed Chief of Staff of IV Corps within Army Group South, thanks to Brauchitsch’s patronage, but…
The Black Orchestra leadership believed that approaching Model, whose role was already being filled by Manstein, was too risky. His loyalty to Brauchitsch, who was now considered pro-Nazi after repeatedly disappointing the resistance, was another cause for concern.
No one yet knew that Model would become one of the greatest defensive commanders of World War II, earning the moniker “Führer’s Fireman.”
No one knew that he would defend Germany to the bitter end, fighting overwhelming odds while simultaneously dealing with the SS demanding the surrender of officers accused of treason, only to commit suicide, lamenting his service to a criminal regime.
Only he knew Model’s true nature. But there was no way to convince the Black Orchestra leadership.
He himself doubted Model would agree. He had to abandon the attempt.
He didn’t want to fight against Model. But given Model’s loyalty to Brauchitsch, it seemed inevitable. Would Model, too, fight for the Nazi regime, only to regret it later? Would he ever forgive him? He didn’t know.
—
July 22, 1939
Hjalmar Schacht’s Residence, Berlin, Germany
Six weeks remained until the outbreak of World War II in the original timeline.
The key figures in the conspiracy were gathered at his father’s residence, which had once again become their headquarters.
There was Oster, deputy head of the Abwehr and a key figure in the plot, Tresckow, who had introduced him to the resistance and continued to support him, Erich Kordt, head of the Foreign Office’s European section, and Claudia, their contact at the Frankfurter Zeitung.
“Captain Schacht, Ribbentrop is seriously considering cooperation with the Soviet Union.” Kordt’s words confirmed his fears. The coup preparations were almost complete.
Unlike the frantic rush during the Sudetenland crisis, his position was much stronger now. While the Black Orchestra leadership had distanced themselves, the core group had been able to operate efficiently.
French and British pressure on Germany was intensifying. Molotov’s statement on July 17th, insisting on the inclusion of a military agreement in the Anglo-Franco-Soviet talks, had raised concerns about a possible two-front war against Poland and the Soviet Union.
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was the problem. If it was signed, the German public and the military would be reassured that war with the Soviet Union was unlikely, emboldening them to invade Poland.
They had to prevent it, at all costs.
“Ribbentrop sees the replacement of Litvinov with Molotov in April as a sign of Soviet willingness to cooperate with Germany. He interprets Molotov’s statement on July 17th as evidence of British and French reluctance to form an alliance with the Soviet Union.”
Ribbentrop, despite his lack of diplomatic finesse, had a keen sense of political maneuvering.
Litvinov’s dismissal wasn’t a gesture of appeasement towards Germany. It was simply Stalin replacing a strong-willed individual with a yes-man.
However, Ribbentrop was correct about the significance of Molotov’s statement. Molotov had immediately tried to revive Litvinov’s plan for an Anglo-Franco-Soviet alliance to contain Germany.
But Britain and France distrusted the communist regime, and with Poland adamantly refusing any cooperation with the Soviets, they had responded lukewarmly to Molotov’s overtures.
Molotov’s statement on July 17th was a reflection of this insecurity. While the German public and military interpreted it as a threat of Soviet intervention, it was actually a desperate plea for an alliance. This very desperation would drive Stalin to sign the non-aggression pact with Germany.
“…An alliance with the Soviet Union is unacceptable. The German public and the military are already apprehensive about war. A diplomatic breakthrough with the Soviet Union will make our coup impossible.”
“But Captain, if we can secure Soviet support for the invasion of Poland, wouldn’t that allow us to reclaim Danzig and the Corridor? Do you really think Britain and France will declare war without Soviet backing…?” Tresckow, interrupting his chain-smoking, voiced his doubts. This was the problem. Most Germans would think this way if the pact was signed.
“Britain and France will declare war, Lieutenant Colonel.” Tresckow raised an eyebrow, but waited for him to continue. “Britain and France appeased us during the Sudetenland crisis not because they believed we were stronger, but because avoiding war was politically expedient. It appealed to their voters.”
Chamberlain, widely criticized for the Munich Agreement, wasn’t a fool.
While they had overestimated Germany’s military strength and wanted to avoid war until their rearmament was complete, Britain and France didn’t truly believe they would lose a war against Germany in 1938.
As politicians in democratic nations, they had simply wanted to avoid war. After the horrors of World War I, another major war was a political nightmare.
Sacrificing a minor ally was a small price to pay for peace.
Chamberlain, who had experienced the “war to end all wars,” couldn’t have anticipated Hitler’s betrayal.
“Secondly, they saw us as a bulwark against communism. They were willing to strengthen us to a certain degree, to contain the Soviet Union.”
Stalin’s suspicions about Anglo-French intentions hadn’t been entirely unfounded. The prospect of two rival dictatorships exhausting each other was appealing to war-weary democracies.
“But if we ally with the Soviet Union, they will see us as a threat. Politically, and strategically. And the Soviets won’t help us in a war against Britain and France. Isn’t that right, Kordt?”
Kordt considered this, then replied, “From a diplomatic perspective, your assessment is accurate, Captain. I’m surprised by your confidence… but even I didn’t anticipate Ribbentrop’s pursuit of an alliance with the Soviet Union. Perhaps you’re a better judge of these matters than I am. Haha…”
“Not at all, Director. I’ve learned much from you.” He felt a twinge of guilt. He was simply exploiting his knowledge of history.
“I understand the need to prevent an alliance with the Soviet Union, Captain. Hitler’s popularity, boosted by the Munich Agreement, is finally waning. We can’t let him regain it. But how do you propose to stop it?”
He had considered this carefully. How could they prevent the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact?
The Abwehr couldn’t be used to sabotage the negotiations. They were already stretched thin, managing the coup preparations. Moreover, Soviet intelligence was extremely competent. It was too risky.
There was only one solution.
“Has Ribbentrop informed Hitler about his plan to cooperate with the Soviet Union?”
“He became enamored with his own brilliant idea and left for the day, as he always does. He hasn’t formulated a concrete plan yet. So, probably not.”
He didn’t have time to consider other options. They had to act before World War II began. If that happened, everything would change. His knowledge of history would be useless. They would be on their own.
“…We eliminate Ribbentrop.”
The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact had been Ribbentrop’s brainchild. No one else in the vehemently anti-communist Nazi regime had considered allying with the Soviet Union.
Perhaps it was Ribbentrop’s lack of diplomatic experience and ideological rigidity that had allowed him to conceive of such a radical idea. With Weizsäcker, Kordt, and most of the Foreign Office on their side, they could prevent the pact if Ribbentrop was removed.
“It’s too risky, Captain. With the coup so close, we can’t afford to raise the Nazis’ suspicions…” Oster’s concerns were valid. He, too, had been reluctant to consider this option.
“We’ll disguise it as a hate crime, blaming it on Jews or communists. If the public and the military become complacent, we’ll lose our chance to act before the war.”
“The leadership won’t agree. I trust you, but I think you’re overreacting…” Tresckow’s words stung. How could he convince them?
“Your concerns are valid, Captain. But I agree with Tresckow. The leadership won’t approve this. If we proceed, we’ll have to handle it ourselves. But who would take such a risk?”
The answer was obvious. If even these men, who had trusted him and followed him this far, were hesitant, the leadership would never agree.
“I will.”
“No, you can’t.” Oster immediately objected. “Whoever eliminates Ribbentrop will have to disappear. The Abwehr can’t protect you. You’re too valuable to the plan.”
Damn it. They couldn’t launch the coup before the pact was signed. They lacked the justification. They had to stop it, but how?
“I’ll do it. I’ve worked as a journalist covering the Foreign Office for years. I know Ribbentrop. I can get close to him.” It was Claudia.
“Wait, Claudia.”
“What? Miss Jung, we appreciate your courage, but this is too dangerous for a civilian.” He and Oster were appalled.
But Claudia, her gaze unwavering, continued, “My father, Edgar Julius Jung, was an advisor to Franz von Papen, the former Chancellor who brought Hitler to power. Papen delivered a speech at Marburg University criticizing Hitler.”
He knew about Papen’s Marburg speech. Papen, who had openly criticized Hitler in 1934, had gained attention in Britain and France. Hitler and Goebbels had tried to suppress the speech, but had failed.
“I helped my father write that speech. I was just a naive university student. I didn’t understand the consequences. …The Night of the Long Knives was two weeks later.”
An event of minor historical significance to him, irrelevant to most people in the modern era.
“The Nazis used the purge of the SA to eliminate their political rivals. But Papen was too prominent to be targeted directly. So, they killed my father instead, as a warning.” A defining moment in Claudia’s life.
“He had simply written a speech. I hid in a closet, listening to my father being beaten and dragged away by the SS. …Do you know what a body dragged from a river looks like?”
This was why she had been so invested in their cause, so willing to accept his dangerous proposal.
“The police looked the other way. The pastor, who had pretended to be my father’s friend, said he had been punished by God for defying his chosen savior.” He had never seen Claudia, usually so composed and confident, so distraught.
“I’m no longer officially with the Frankfurter Zeitung. The newspaper is already involved. They can manage without me. My past involvement with the social democrats makes it easy to blame the Rote Kapelle.”
How long had she been waiting for this opportunity? He didn’t know when he had taken her hand. He didn’t want her to be in danger.
She squeezed his hand, continuing, “…Gentlemen, I’m not an outsider. I have my reasons to hate them.” She had never been a damsel in distress. None of them, not him, not Oster, not Tresckow, could object to the steely glint in her eyes.
“So, if this must be done, let me do it. Let me play my part in bringing down those monsters.”
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