I Don’t Need Nazis In My Germany

Chapter 51: The Shadow of Versailles (1)

Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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< German Civil War – The Shadow of Versailles (1) >

September 25, 1939

Southern Britain, London, Capital of the United Kingdom

There was an unexpected attendee in the conference room.

Edward Wood, Lord Halifax, the British Foreign Secretary. Well, his presence was expected.

Neville Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister, “the man of peace in our time,” was also present, understandably, given the importance of the matter.

But Édouard Daladier, the French Prime Minister, as the French representative?

I had been expecting the pacifist French Foreign Minister, Georges Bonnet, and a chill ran down my spine.

The French Radical-Socialist Party must be in dire straits. For the Prime Minister to come in person, without the appeasing Foreign Minister…

France’s determination to pressure the New Government and secure some kind of concession was palpable, and Weizsäcker and I exchanged wry smiles.

Beyond that, it was rather nerve-wracking to be the only young person in a room full of seasoned politicians.

“The weather in London welcomes you both, Foreign Minister Weizsäcker, and State Secretary Schacht. State Secretary, hmm… Should I understand that to be equivalent to Vice Chancellor?”

“That is correct, Prime Minister Chamberlain.”

I replied to Chamberlain with a smile. It certainly felt strange, but Wilhelm III’s obsession with the title of Chancellor was something else.

However, Chancellor and Vice Chancellor felt too lofty for someone my age, so I had deliberately lowered the rank slightly to Minister and State Secretary.

Apparently, Minister of State and State Secretary sounded equivalent to other ministers and state secretaries. While experienced politicians wouldn’t be fooled by such wordplay, the general public might perceive it differently.

Chamberlain looked a bit pale. Was he ill?

“While we are acquainted, this is my first time meeting State Secretary Schacht. There is much interest in the son of the Chancellor, a young man in such a high position within the German New Government.”

I simply smiled at Daladier’s comment, which had a definite edge to it. He was a large man with a thick neck and a powerful build.

There was bound to be a lot of talk, both positive and negative, about the unknown 28-year-old major who had become the spokesperson and then the second-in-command of the German New Government.

“While we view the German New Government’s announcement of forming a democratic government after a transitional emergency wartime cabinet positively, we lack confidence in your ability to establish a ‘normal’ democratic government.”

Despite the titles of Minister and State Secretary, the Chancellor appointed by the Emperor was effectively my father, and I was the Vice Chancellor.

They had every right to question our commitment to establishing a proper democratic government.

“Ahem, let’s proceed with the main agenda of this meeting.”

It was Halifax, the British Foreign Secretary, who interrupted the tension between Daladier and us. Daladier frowned slightly, but as expected of the notoriously self-serving British, they only cared about their own agenda.

It wasn’t detrimental to us, so Foreign Minister Weizsäcker began.

“The German New Government’s position is as follows: First, the ultimatums issued by Britain and France were directed at the restoration of an absolute monarchy under the House of Hohenzollern, effectively a dictatorship by a war criminal.”

A point we couldn’t emphasize enough.

“Second, the current German New Government has clearly established itself as a constitutional monarchy, and the current emergency wartime cabinet is a transitional government. A democratic government will be formed through a national referendum once the German Civil War concludes and normal conditions are restored.”

The other parties remained understandably unconvinced.

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“Third, based on the above, your assertion of a threat of war due to the restoration of a dictatorship by a war criminal does not align with the current situation. Furthermore, the demand for the abolition of the House of Hohenzollern is unacceptable given the current German public sentiment, and we request its withdrawal. That concludes our statement.”

Halifax was the first to react.

“So, the German New Government intends to pursue peace and democracy, not war and dictatorship?”

“That is correct.”

“We view the New Government’s efforts to establish democracy in Germany against a fascist dictator positively. The restoration of the House of Hohenzollern is also acceptable, considering the specific circumstances of your country, where the monarchist military holds significant influence.”

Realistically, the New Government couldn’t control the German military without an Emperor. There was a significant difference between having a commander-in-chief, even a nominal one, who commanded the respect of the military, and not having one.

Even Hitler, who had gained absolute power through the Enabling Act, had only managed to control the military after several purges. We were in the middle of a civil war, and if the military abandoned us, we would be doomed.

Halifax, feigning sympathy for our situation, smiled at Weizsäcker and me and continued.

“If Germany truly intends to establish a normal democratic state and has no intention of waging war, then you will surely agree to the liberation of Czechoslovakia, which Hitler illegally annexed, will you not?”

As expected, they brought up that issue. The annexation of Czechoslovakia was undeniably Hitler’s doing.

We had little room to argue on this point. The problem was…

“Unfortunately, the matter of Czechoslovakia is not something we can discuss immediately due to the ongoing civil war. Czechoslovakia is currently under Nazi occupation, and prematurely discussing its liberation could empower Hitler.”

They knew this as well as we did. Bringing it up meant they intended to use it against us eventually.

Nothing was ever easy.

Next was Daladier.

“Ah, of course, we are well aware of Germany’s situation during this civil war. It must be difficult to discuss Czechoslovakia when you haven’t even secured it.”

Daladier spoke with a friendly smile and then brought up the main point.

“Instead, we believe you will have no issue with the reimplementation of the Treaty of Versailles, established to prevent a recurrence of the damage Germany inflicted on the Allied powers in the last war and to maintain peace.”

I had anticipated this since he arrived, but he was certainly aiming high.

He wanted to revive the treaty that placed all the blame for World War I on Germany and aimed to compensate France for its losses by bleeding Germany dry.

I looked at Chamberlain and asked.

“Is this also Britain’s position?”

“Cough, cough.”

Chamberlain covered his mouth with a handkerchief and coughed. It wasn’t an act; he looked genuinely unwell. Was he on his deathbed?

“Cough, my apologies. The Foreign Secretary will lead the discussion.”

“Certainly, Prime Minister.”

While he said that, perhaps Chamberlain’s imminent death after resigning as Prime Minister wasn’t solely due to emotional distress.

I turned my gaze to Halifax.

“Well, the Treaty of Versailles is merely a means to an end. Wouldn’t you agree that some condition is necessary to demonstrate Germany’s sincerity?”

Halifax’s response was also within expectations.

While Britain didn’t necessarily need to rely on the Treaty of Versailles, France, facing precarious political and economic situations, wanted it to solve both problems.

However, agreeing to this would cost Weizsäcker and me our heads, at the very least. In the worst case, it could bring down the entire New Government.

They were robbers without knives.

While the Military Junta had made the blunder of trying to restore Wilhelm II and an absolute monarchy, they knew the Junta had been crushed.

Demanding concessions from us, who had declared a constitutional monarchy and the formation of a democratic government, was nothing more than an attempt to exploit the situation for their own gain.

“Unfortunately, the current German New Government is in the midst of a civil war and is not in a position to discuss the reimplementation of the Treaty of Versailles at this time.”

As soon as Foreign Minister Weizsäcker finished speaking, Daladier responded as if he had been waiting for it.

“Ah, of course, we understand your circumstances. We can discuss the reimplementation of the Treaty of Versailles after the civil war concludes. In exchange, France and Britain are willing to support your government and provide the necessary equipment for the war effort.”

“What kind of equipment?”

“France can provide Lebel and Berthier rifles, and Britain can provide Lee-Enfield rifles.”

The most readily available infantry rifles, and outdated bolt-action ones at that. Our standard-issue Kar98k was a perfectly capable bolt-action rifle, but it wasn’t compatible with their ammunition.

Of course, we were already using those rifles in the Free Corps, having purchased them in bulk at bargain prices from Spain, so it wasn’t like we couldn’t use them.

But offering outdated rifles in exchange for the reparations stipulated in the Treaty of Versailles? Were they joking?

In short, this was a game of hot potato.

Everyone present knew that Germany couldn’t depose Wilhelm III. With Wilhelm II out of the picture and a constitutional monarchy declared, the House of Hohenzollern itself wasn’t a significant issue.

France, facing electoral defeat, was trying to pass the hot potato to Germany to avoid their own demise, and Britain, indifferent to the outcome, preferred that the less valuable side explode rather than their ally.

And they were trying to get something out of it in the process. Compared to the desperate French, the well-fed British, like pigs at a trough, were even more repulsive, trying to take advantage of our vulnerable position.

There was no such thing as selfless aid in international diplomacy, especially when it came to helping us, who were fighting in their place against their enemy, fascist Germany.

Germany, unlike Spain, was still considered a threat in their eyes. They wanted us to bleed as much as possible, for as long as possible, to cripple Germany’s national strength.

Our relatively peaceful civil war, fueled mainly by propaganda, likely displeased them.

“Regarding your demands…”

“Apologies for the interruption during the meeting, but this is an urgent matter.”

As I was about to respond to their audacious demands for concessions in exchange for magnanimously recognizing the already crowned Emperor, a messenger interrupted us with a telegram.

Weizsäcker, upon reading the telegram, turned pale and handed it to me.

“This is…”

The telegram was brief.

Mussolini of Italy, as an ally of Nazi Germany, had declared war on the German New Government, or as they put it, the German rebels.

The Allied representatives, upon receiving the same telegram, also wore complicated expressions.

How would it feel to receive a declaration of war during diplomatic negotiations?

Absolutely fantastic. Thrilling.

–

September 26, 1939

Southern British Isles, London, Capital of the United Kingdom – German Embassy in London

Our meeting was ultimately postponed due to the “changed circumstances.”

Mussolini had been consistently ignored despite his eager attempts to revive the Stresa Front with Britain and France.

Perhaps feeling anxious after the Military Junta’s collapse in three days and the commencement of the trilateral talks between the New Government, Britain, and France, he had rashly declared war.

Was this his way of taking swift action before we could reconcile with Britain and France, given the strained relations caused by the House of Hohenzollern’s ascension due to the Military Junta?

Seriously.

“I don’t know what Mussolini was promised to declare war, but I hope our forces can respond in time.”

The New Government’s main forces were all deployed on the northern front against the Nazis. Italy would have to pass through Austria, but could we react quickly enough?

However, there was nothing we could do here in Britain. We could only trust my father and Ludwig Beck.

It was a blessing in disguise, in a way.

It wasn’t the first time Mussolini had overreached, even in the original history, but I felt a strange mix of amusement and exasperation.

“The thought of soldiers dying on the front lines because of Mussolini’s greed makes my blood boil, but at least he saved us at the negotiating table.”

Before Mussolini’s reckless act, Britain and France had been intent on pressuring us for concessions.

However, with Italy joining forces with the Nazis, Britain, which had hoped for a protracted German Civil War with no clear victor, or a pyrrhic victory at best, now had a fire at its doorstep.

While Britain wouldn’t like to see the German Civil War end swiftly with our victory and minimal damage, they would dislike even more seeing a Germany quickly unified under Hitler, allied with Italy.

“But France won’t let up. They might even threaten to side with Italy to pressure us.”

Erich Kordt, or rather, the State Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whom I hadn’t seen in a while, had been busy traveling between Britain and France to improve the New Government’s standing.

His efforts had been somewhat undermined by the Military Junta’s actions, unfortunately…

“Indeed. They’re cornered.”

There was no way to satisfy France at this point. The Treaty of Versailles? Agreeing to reimplement it would cost us the support of both the people and the military.

And did we have anything to offer France? No. What could a government in the middle of a civil war, controlling only half of Germany, possibly offer?

“However, now that Italy has joined forces with Hitler, it will be difficult for France to ally with them as well.”

If Mussolini had allied with France first and invaded Germany, he could have demanded German territory as a condition.

But joining as Hitler’s ally made that impossible. The relationship between the Nazi regime and France was abysmal. The New Government was a better option for them.

“As planned, we should ignore France completely and focus on influencing Britain.”

Our goal was to isolate France.

Appeasement was useless against those who were willing to sacrifice us for their own survival.

“State Secretary Schacht, your role will be crucial in this matter. Do you believe you are up to the task?”

Foreign Minister Weizsäcker spoke with a hint of anxiety.

Most people viewed me with apprehension. Even the Foreign Office, where I enjoyed relatively high trust thanks to my past actions, was no exception.

To be sent as the second-in-command of the government, in my late twenties, to handle diplomatic negotiations with major powers like Britain and France during such a crisis…

I would be worried too. While my past achievements, my significant contribution to suppressing the Military Junta’s coup, and my appointment by the Emperor had silenced any outward dissent regarding my position as State Secretary…

Many within the New Government were waiting for me to make a mistake and use it as an excuse to remove me, claiming I was too young for the position.

My father, Hjalmar Schacht, knowing this full well, had sent me here while he dealt with domestic affairs.

Perhaps he had some blue blood in him after all?

“We’ll have to see how it goes, but I believe we have a chance.”

Apologies to Daladier, but I was in a corner. As a captain, and later a major, my influence was limited, which had been frustrating.

I had to make the most of the position, however undeserved, bestowed upon me by that insufferable Emperor, and use it to overcome this crisis.

To do that, I had to succeed in this incredibly difficult mission.

“I have some acquaintances, and a decent hand to play.”

It was a significant advantage that my father, Hjalmar Schacht, had become the head of the government.

He had cultivated extensive connections with business leaders in various countries before German diplomacy went down the drain, and the most important of these connections was right here in Britain.

We had very few cards to play at the moment. So, what could we use other than the promise of the future to secure investments?

When dealing with democratic, or rather, capitalist countries, negotiations didn’t always have to rely on playing hardball at the negotiating table. There was the fine tradition of lobbying.

It seemed I would finally meet my sister, nephew, and godfather, for the first time.

Montagu Norman, Governor of the Bank of England. He was a long-time friend and collaborator of my father, both personally and professionally, and also my nephew’s godfather.

We intended to persuade Britain, despite our lack of immediate offerings, by influencing him and the business leaders of the Anglo-German Fellowship.

As we were discussing this, an embassy staff member approached us with a letter.

“Captain Schacht, oh, I mean, Major. No! I apologize, State Secretary.”

My rapid promotions had understandably confused him. Even Erich Kordt… he was now a State Secretary as well.

After several stumbles, Erich Kordt handed me the letter he had received from the staff member.

“It’s alright. But a letter for me?”

A letter addressed to me, all the way here in Britain? Who could it be from?

“Yes, it seems so.”

Let’s see. Who sent me a letter?

I froze when I saw the sender’s name.

Winston Churchill.

The indomitable hero and ruthless imperialist, Hitler’s nemesis, had invited me to meet him.