Chapter 58: The Eve of Decisive Battle (2)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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< German Civil War – The Eve of Decisive Battle (2) >
October 30, 1939
Southern Finland, Helsinki, Capital of Finland
Finnish President Kyösti Kallio and Prime Minister Risto Ryti greeted Vyacheslav Molotov, the People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs (Foreign Minister) of the Soviet Union.
“Welcome, Commissar Molotov.”
Having received reports of Soviet troops deploying along the Finnish border, they couldn’t hide their anxiety. In contrast, Molotov appeared relaxed.
“It’s a pleasure to meet you, Mr. President, Mr. Prime Minister.”
Molotov greeted them with a casualness unbefitting his position and sat down without waiting for an invitation.
However, neither Kallio nor Ryti dared to point out his rudeness and simply took their seats.
Finland, a small nation situated on the Baltic Sea and the Scandinavian Peninsula, was once a part of the Russian Empire. And the Soviet Union, born from the flames of revolution that consumed that very empire…
There was a considerable disparity in power between the two nations.
Molotov deliberately prolonged the silence, letting the tension build, before presenting his demands.
“Comrade Stalin has sent me to address the situation where the security of Leningrad, the sacred site of the Russian Revolution, is being threatened by your ‘counter-revolutionary’ nation.”
Finland had declared its independence during the Russian Civil War, sparked by the Russian Revolution, and, unlike Russia, had successfully crushed the communist uprising within its borders.
While Molotov’s jab at Finland being counter-revolutionary was understandable, the notion that Finland, the smallest of the three Scandinavian nations—Sweden, Norway, and Finland—posed a threat to the Soviet Union was absurd.
President Kallio accepted the document offered by Molotov and began reading.
His long mustache trembled as he read, and by the end, it was quivering with rage.
“Cede Karelia and Lapland, the islands in the Gulf of Finland, and the Åland Islands, and lease all major ports for over 30 years? Is this some kind of joke, Commissar?”
Karelia, also known as Karjala, was Finland’s largest industrial region and most densely populated area.
Demanding the cession of the nation’s heartland and islands under the pretext of Leningrad’s security and the lease of all major ports for over 30 years was effectively a demand for Finland to become a Soviet colony.
Ryti’s face paled at Kallio’s words, while Molotov replied calmly.
“Whether it’s a joke or not is for the Kremlin to decide. So, what is your answer, Mr. President?”
President Kallio, trembling with rage, was caught in a dilemma. The difference in power between Finland and the Soviet Union was immeasurable.
Both Molotov and Stalin knew that Finland would find these demands unacceptable. Their true goal was to annex Finland entirely.
Meanwhile, Baron Mannerheim, the hero of the Finnish Civil War and a renowned military leader, a staunch aristocrat, was constantly threatening to resign due to his dissatisfaction with the democratic government and the state of the Finnish army.
With Mannerheim’s resignation letter already on his desk, being forced to respond to these humiliating demands, knowing that refusal meant war, was an immense burden.
President Kallio agonized over the decision. However, as a respected leader known for his conciliatory politics and enjoying widespread public support, surrendering and selling out his country was unthinkable.
Kallio closed his eyes briefly, then looked at Molotov and gave his answer.
“No.”
Molotov smirked as if he had expected this and spoke.
“I see. I hope you won’t regret this decision.”
Molotov stood up and, looking down at the grim-faced President Kallio, declared.
“My role here is done. The Red Army will speak for itself.”
With that, Molotov left.
“Mr. President…”
Kallio, forcing a smile in response to Ryti’s worried gaze, said with a bitter laugh.
“I suppose I’ll have to appease Mannerheim again. The Foreign Ministry will be busy. Let’s request assistance from the international community…”
Against the overwhelming threat of a superpower, Finland could only leverage its limited assets and hope for assistance from other nations.
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November 6, 1939
Central Germany, 9th Military District, Kassel, Frankfurt
Time flew by, and it was now early November. The Italian front, thanks to the treacherous Alps and the Italian army’s incompetence, had held better than expected, but casualties were mounting.
Even Otto von Bismarck, the Iron Chancellor, had said that one could not take war lightly after looking into the eyes of a soldier about to face battle.
War was inherently like this. Whether victory or defeat, there would always be casualties.
While I now assessed the war situation based on reports and numbers, the horrors I had witnessed on the battlefield were etched into my memory.
The New Government was united in its desire to end the civil war and focus on the Italian front, and our Reichswehr was preparing for an offensive to deliver the decisive blow against the Nazis.
While the enemy still possessed superior armored strength, Panzer IVs were beginning to reach our front-line units, and we hoped to compensate for our anti-tank deficiencies with Panzer III tank destroyers.
The problem was air superiority. We were producing fighters in the territories we controlled.
However, sending our inexperienced pilots against the veteran Luftwaffe, honed in the Spanish Civil War, would be a waste of lives and aircraft.
I wondered if Richthofen was cursing my name. While I had hoped he would join our side, it was unlikely, given the Luftwaffe’s close ties to the Nazi regime.
Without air support, we had to rely on anti-aircraft guns, but knowing their limitations in this era, I wasn’t particularly reassured.
The lack of air superiority wasn’t something I could solve by worrying, so I had to trust Manstein and the Reichswehr generals.
While I was interested in operational matters, having completed the General Staff course at the War Academy, I couldn’t possibly be a better tactician than them.
I had risen to this position through a combination of hard work and luck, but I wasn’t a superhuman capable of excelling in every field, nor should I aspire to be.
My role was to guide the New Government officials to use their abilities effectively and to offer perspectives they might overlook due to the limitations of their time.
“What are you thinking about?”
“Ah, just… There’s so much to do.”
Even my adjutant and fiancée seemed far more competent as a journalist than I could ever be, despite my memories from the future.
Claudia rolled her eyes at my response and smiled faintly, then focused her attention on the approaching figures. The people we had been waiting for had arrived.
“It’s been a while, Schacht, uh—State Secretary.”
“It’s good to see you, Mr. Brandt.”
I smiled and shook hands with Willy Brandt. It had been a few years since we last met during the Spanish Civil War. Back then, I couldn’t have imagined that our encounter would lead to my relationship with Claudia.
“It’s been a while, Claudia.”
“Good to see you, Bill. You’re always busy.”
Willy Brandt moved to hug Claudia but stopped awkwardly when she stepped back slightly. He glanced at me and flinched.
I knew he was a notorious womanizer, but…
Well, thanks to that, Claudia had believed my nonsense, and since the outcome was favorable, I would let it slide this time.
“Ahem, my apologies. We’re the same age and have been comrades for so long, I’m just used to it.”
Your excuse makes it worse. But I couldn’t say that out loud.
Claudia gave an ambiguous smile, and I turned my attention to the man who had accompanied Willy Brandt.
While Willy Brandt was in his mid-twenties, the same age as Claudia, the other man looked to be in his fifties or sixties. Too old to be a comrade?
“Excuse me, but who is this?”
Before Brandt could answer, the man introduced himself and offered me his hand.
“Haha, the future of German social democracy looks bright with such talented young people. My name is Väinö Tanner. I belong to the Social Democratic Party of Finland, and I am also the Minister of Finance.”
“He was also the Prime Minister of Finland.”
I was momentarily distracted by the thought that I wasn’t a social democrat myself, then I was taken aback by his introduction and Brandt’s supplementary explanation. Damn, he was a big shot.
“Welcome to Frankfurt, Minister Tanner. My apologies for not receiving you properly, as I wasn’t informed of your visit in advance.”
“Not at all, I apologize for visiting without prior notice.”
Still, for a former Prime Minister to appear so suddenly… what was going on?
Even Claudia, usually composed, looked flustered. I glared at Willy Brandt, the cause of this unexpected situation.
“Uh, well, it’s a bit complicated, so let’s move to a more private setting.”
Brandt, despite being the future Chancellor of West Germany, somehow managed to make a worse impression every time I saw him…
–
I had summoned Willy Brandt from Norway to discuss preparations for bringing back social democrats, anti-Nazi activists, and intellectuals who had fled the country during the Nazi regime, after the civil war ended.
The list of intellectuals and scientists who had left Germany under Nazi rule was long and included prominent figures like Albert Einstein.
The social democrats, in particular, were well-organized, having formed an international organization called the “International Union of Socialist Youth.”
Furthermore, they were easy to contact thanks to my connection with Claudia and Willy Brandt. Accepting foreign nationals who couldn’t return to their home countries would also be excellent propaganda, demonstrating that the new Germany guaranteed freedom of thought, regardless of nationality.
Simply removing the Nazis by force wouldn’t magically transform Germany into a normal country free from the grip of nationalism. In fact, the aftermath of the Nazi regime’s downfall would likely be even more challenging.
Modern Germany’s atmosphere of reflection and self-criticism regarding Nazi atrocities had only taken root long after the devastating World War II, following “Willy Brandt’s kneeling” and the 1968 student movement.
And now, Willy Brandt had brought *this* issue to my attention. He looked sheepish under my incredulous gaze as we settled into a more private room.
“Haha, don’t look at me like that, State Secretary. Despite the age difference, we are acquainted as fellow social democrats, so I took the liberty of asking him for this favor.”
“So, Minister Tanner is simply here as Mr. Brandt’s acquaintance?”
Tanner wore a bitter smile at my question. That was unlikely. The Finnish Minister of Finance wasn’t in a position to casually accompany an acquaintance on a trip.
The Soviet Union’s demands on Finland were now public knowledge, and while Finland was appealing to the international community for help, the response had been lukewarm.
While the Soviet demands were undoubtedly outrageous and threatening, they hadn’t officially declared war, and most nations believed Finland would be swiftly conquered.
While I knew about the Winter War between the Soviet Union and Finland, I hadn’t anticipated Stalin targeting Finland immediately after the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact failed to materialize, while postponing his plans for Poland.
As in the original timeline, Stalin, the “Man of Steel,” wasn’t one to wait patiently.
“With Finland’s fate hanging in the balance, our Foreign Ministry has been overwhelmed. I apologize for that.”
“Officially reaching out to the German New Government, currently engaged in a civil war, would also be a political burden, wouldn’t it?”
While it was true that the Finnish Foreign Ministry was undoubtedly busy due to the international community’s indifference, officially requesting assistance from a country in the midst of a civil war would be awkward.
A formal request and subsequent refusal would be embarrassing and could antagonize nations like France, which already harbored ill will towards us.
“Haha, that is certainly a factor. But frankly, I also had a personal interest and hope.”
Personal interest and hope? Intrigued, I waited for him to elaborate. Tanner looked at me and spoke.
“I heard that it was you, State Secretary, who suggested to the German social democrats that they abandon Marxism and adopt a more moderate approach, focusing on reforming capitalism.”
I looked at Brandt after Claudia, and he shrugged, nodding.
“That is true.”
“Haha, I have also been leading the Social Democratic Party of Finland with similar ideas. Therefore, I was intrigued by a young man like yourself sharing the same views, and Brandt told me that you understood the value of ideology and principle.”
So he had come to meet me personally before making an official visit.
Väinö Tanner, his face etched with wrinkles that spoke of a life well-lived, looked at me with pleading eyes.
“We understand that your nation is at war, but I must ask you for help. Finland desperately needs assistance. We lack even the rifles to properly arm our soldiers, and no nation has offered us any meaningful support.”
The Winter War between Finland and the Soviet Union. Even in the original timeline, the Finns had fought bravely against overwhelming odds, proving their tenacity, but they had ultimately been defeated.
Finland’s pleas for international assistance had largely been ignored, and while some meager aid had arrived after Finland’s unexpected initial success, it was too little, too late. They had fought valiantly but had been forced to surrender due to a lack of ammunition.
“At this rate, Finland will suffer immense losses as soon as the invasion begins. We want to at least equip our soldiers properly before they fight, but we lack everything.”
We had purchased a large quantity of surplus rifles from Spain at bargain prices and were receiving Lee-Enfield rifles from Britain, so we had a relatively ample supply of German rifles.
While they were just rifles to us, they were desperately needed by Finland. I wanted to help, even in a small way.
While the Winter War was known for Finnish resilience and Soviet incompetence, it was ultimately a tragic tale of a small nation fighting a lonely battle against a superpower.
It reminded me of Korea, which was under Japanese colonial rule in this era, and I couldn’t simply ignore their plight.
Perhaps they had approached me personally, instead of through official channels, hoping that a young and inexperienced counterpart might be more receptive to their plea.
However, my position no longer allowed for personal sentiments to influence my decisions. I had to represent the German New Government.
“While I understand your situation, as you know, the German New Government is not in a position to offer aid without any benefit. It’s not something I can decide on my own either.”
It was a bitter pill to swallow, but at this point, I almost wished for Finland to fall quickly to prevent Poland from making a reckless move.
I hated myself for thinking like this, calculating and weighing options.
As Tanner’s expression darkened, Willy Brandt spoke.
“Would there be no benefit?”
Having captured everyone’s attention, Brandt continued.
“Even the so-called free and democratic nations are just watching as the communists invade a small country. Offering a helping hand during wartime would be a powerful symbolic gesture, demonstrating Germany’s return as a normal nation and a member of the international community.”
Perhaps this was the insight of the man who initiated German reunification, an aspect of him often overshadowed by his womanizing tendencies. Brandt had a point.
There was perhaps no better way to announce Germany’s return as a free nation and a member of the international community, boosting its diplomatic standing and attracting the intellectuals who had fled the country.
“We don’t need significant aid. We just need one nation, a single nation, to offer support and start the process.”
Tanner’s desperate plea intensified my dilemma.
If we offered even meager support to Finland during wartime, other nations of the so-called free world would likely follow suit. It would become a competition of virtue signaling, with everyone eager to offer assistance and claim credit.
This was why Finland, abandoned by all other nations, had turned to us, a nation that at least championed freedom, despite our own ongoing war.
If we supported Finland and gained diplomatic standing as a member of the free world, it would discourage Britain and France from intervening if, for instance, a war broke out with Poland.
However, doing so meant sending weapons to another country during wartime, even if they were surplus, and risking antagonizing Stalin before even concluding our civil war.
What should I do?
< German Civil War – The Eve of Decisive Battle (2) > End
ⓒ Carcassonne
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