Chapter 59: The Eve of Decisive Battle (3)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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< German Civil War – The Eve of Decisive Battle (3) >
November 7, 1939
Central Germany, 9th Military District, Kassel, Frankfurt, New Government Headquarters
The British general election had concluded. As expected, the Conservative Party had won. While Clement Attlee’s Labour Party made some gains, the Conservatives’ traditional dominance in Britain remained firm.
Chamberlain, who in the original timeline had resigned in disgrace after being blamed for appeasing Hitler and leading Britain into war, had successfully completed his term and retired from politics in this timeline.
Lord Halifax had succeeded him as Prime Minister, and former Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Alexander Cadogan, was appointed Foreign Secretary.
While Halifax, in the original timeline, had used his peerage as an excuse to pass the premiership to Churchill, he seemed to have accepted it readily in this more stable timeline for Britain and the Conservative Party.
With the general election out of the way, Britain would likely abandon its passive stance and take a more active role.
I was attending a meeting at the headquarters, an unofficial one, convened due to the Finnish government’s request.
“Finland? What’s the point of helping such a small nation? We should be focusing on our own war.”
Minister of Defense Ludwig Beck seemed reluctant. As Defense Minister, he understandably wouldn’t be keen on sending weapons to another country during wartime, even if they were surplus.
The military, impressed by the Soviet Union’s advanced tanks and doctrines displayed during the Spanish Civil War, still overestimated the Red Army’s strength. They likely believed Finland would be quickly overrun, regardless of our assistance.
Of course, the Soviet army, crippled by Stalin’s purges of its capable officers and innovative doctrines, would perform disastrously in the Winter War, leading to German underestimation of Soviet strength.
“While I’m no expert on military matters, even if Finland loses the war, there’s significant symbolic value in assisting them.”
Foreign Minister Weizsäcker, in contrast, emphasized the importance of the gesture itself.
“Despite our successful negotiations with Britain, Germany is still perceived as the aggressor of the last war. Reputation matters in diplomacy, especially when dealing with democratic nations like Britain, the United States, and France, which are sensitive to public opinion.”
Winning the German Civil War wasn’t the end. It was only the beginning of a new phase, where Germany, as a major power, would engage in diplomatic maneuvering with other powers.
While helping Finland would antagonize the Soviet Union, we couldn’t afford to be friendly with them either.
In the original timeline, even after it was acknowledged that Poland had initiated the attack on Germany, Britain and France had declared war. With the potential advantage of anti-communism gone, they couldn’t tolerate the expansion of a powerful Germany.
Allying with the Soviet Union to contain Poland would only serve to mend the rift between Britain and France, undoing all our diplomatic achievements.
Even if we, hypothetically, allied with the Soviet Union and partitioned Poland, we would end up in the same geopolitical situation as Nazi Germany in the original timeline.
Of course, we wouldn’t launch a preemptive strike against the Soviet Union, unlike the Nazis, but could we guarantee that Stalin would leave us alone, especially while we were at odds with Britain and France? Perhaps if we were a communist nation, but otherwise, it was impossible to say.
“We cannot coexist with those communists. They seek to overthrow legitimate governments and threaten us with force. I support providing assistance.”
Admiral Canaris, head of the Abwehr, who had advocated for supporting Franco against the communists in the Spanish Civil War, unsurprisingly expressed his staunch anti-communist views.
I turned to my father, Hjalmar Schacht, who remained silent behind his impassive gaze.
“What are your thoughts, Chancellor?”
While his official title was Minister of State, everyone naturally referred to him as Chancellor.
“The advantages and disadvantages are clear. However, I would prefer to avoid antagonizing the Soviet Union and risking further conflict. We still have to conclude the war with Italy after the civil war ends, and we need to focus on rebuilding our economy, which Hitler has ruined.”
As expected of an economist who would gladly reduce military spending to focus on economic recovery, my father took a cautious stance.
So, Canaris and Weizsäcker were in favor, while my father and Beck were opposed. All eyes turned to me.
I was still getting used to this, but I had a job to do.
“What about a compromise?”
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It would be a waste to miss such a good opportunity to improve our image, especially as we planned to rejoin the League of Nations after the civil war and bring back the German intellectuals and scientists who had fled the country.
“A compromise?”
“Yes. We provide assistance, but initially, we do so discreetly.”
Finland’s desperation for aid stemmed largely from their lack of basic weaponry for their soldiers, being a small nation. While war hadn’t been officially declared, everyone knew the Soviet Union was about to invade.
Despite this, the international community was hesitant to provide aid, using the pretext of the war not having officially started. They likely believed that even with aid, Finland wouldn’t last long, and they didn’t want to antagonize the Soviet Union unnecessarily.
“Announcing our military aid during our own civil war might not be well-received by our people, and as you mentioned, it’s best not to provoke the Soviet Union prematurely.”
While Finland likely hoped that our aid would prompt other nations in the “free world” to offer assistance before the war began, that was wishful thinking.
Our aid might encourage other nations to offer support to gain public approval, but it was unlikely to arrive before the war started, as Finland hoped.
It might even backfire, with our own people criticizing us for engaging in frivolous diplomacy during wartime, and I didn’t want to create unnecessary variables during the civil war.
While Poland and the Baltic states lay between us and the Soviet Union, it was best to avoid attracting their attention prematurely.
“We provide the weapons now, but we announce it later, after the war begins, in consultation with Finland.”
Ideally, the announcement should come after the Winter War begins and after we either conclude the German Civil War or gain a decisive advantage.
Being the first to provide aid was enough to gain the moral high ground. Finland would be grateful for that alone.
“Hmm, I’m not sure, State Secretary Schacht. Even if we provide aid, can that small nation, Finland, put up any meaningful resistance against the Soviet Union? Wouldn’t we be just wasting our weapons…”
Ludwig Beck still seemed unconvinced. It was understandable. Without knowing the original timeline, it was hard to imagine a small nation like Finland humiliating the Soviet Union.
“It’s good if Finland performs well, but it doesn’t matter too much if they don’t. As I reported, the situation with Poland is unsettling, and establishing our reputation as a member of the free world, standing against the communist threat, will be a valuable asset if a conflict with Poland arises.”
Expecting Britain and France to automatically support us if Poland launched an unprovoked attack was naive and reckless. While a preemptive strike was a significant factor, they would intervene if they deemed it necessary, regardless of who started it.
Therefore, as long as Britain and France’s guarantee of Poland’s independence remained in place, we needed to be perceived as the innocent victim in the eyes of the international community if a war with Poland broke out.
Whether that was true or not, it had to be true, at least for their voters.
While reputation and justification might seem meaningless in the ruthless world of international politics, they mattered in democratic nations. No voter wanted to die in a war without a justifiable cause.
“Hmm, I think it’s a good idea. I’m in favor.”
“I’m all for anything that opposes those communists.”
With Weizsäcker and Canaris in agreement, Beck reluctantly nodded, and my father, smiling faintly, said, in a way that made him look incredibly smug, “Then, I’ll leave this matter to the State Secretary and the Foreign Ministry.”
–
Väinö Tanner, the Finnish Minister of Finance, expressed his gratitude profusely, almost in tears, and Eljas Erkko, the Finnish Foreign Minister, arrived hastily to sign a secret agreement between Germany and Finland.
We sent Gewehr rifles, ammunition, outdated anti-tank rifles, which would be ineffective against Panzer IIIs and IVs but somewhat useful against lighter tanks, and a small number of Pak 36 anti-tank guns to Finland via the Netherlands.
While the Pak 36, nicknamed the “door knocker” due to its inadequate penetration against World War II medium tanks, wouldn’t fare well against the T-34, it was still effective against Soviet light tanks and better than nothing.
The public announcement of our aid would be made later, in consultation with Finland, but it would be announced before any other nation’s support.
In the original timeline, Finland, abandoned by a Europe at war with Nazi Germany, had only started receiving aid after the war began, and even then, it was too little, too late, or mere token gestures.
I didn’t expect our assistance to guarantee Finland’s victory against the Soviet Union. I simply hoped it would help them in their struggle and allow them to negotiate a truce under better terms.
It would have been great if we had the Panzerfaust for Finland, whose military strength relied heavily on infantry. It would have been a game-changer.
The problem was, I couldn’t possibly remember the exact design, and simply suggesting the development of a man-portable, propellant-based anti-tank weapon using black powder wasn’t likely to produce the desired result. Still, it was worth a try.
–
November 13, 1939
Northern Germany, Berlin, New Reich Chancellery
Hitler, staring at the operational map, slammed his fist on the desk, with a tense Walther von Brauchitsch standing before him.
“Nothing is going according to plan. They’re all traitors.”
With the 8th Army under General Blaskowitz, one of the three armies comprising Army Group South, stationed in Saxony, defecting to the New Government, Hitler’s offensive plans had been shattered.
Colonel General Wilhelm List’s 14th Army, which had been intended to flank the New Government forces, was now blocked by the defecting 8th Army, bringing the offensive to a halt.
Hitler, in his fury, demoted Brauchitsch by appointing him commander of Army Group South, a position left vacant by Rundstedt’s arrest, and assumed the role of Commander-in-Chief of the Army himself.
“My apologies, mein Führer.”
Brauchitsch, who had divorced his wife and married a staunch Nazi to curry favor with the Nazi Party and gain Hitler’s approval, was sweating profusely before the Führer.
He knew his fate was now tied to the Nazis, but dealing with the increasingly erratic Führer was becoming unbearable.
“General Brauchitsch, you are on my side, are you not?”
“O-Of course, mein Führer!”
Hitler, staring at Brauchitsch with a cold gaze, picked up his pen and pointed at a document on his desk.
“Are you certain he is the best choice?”
“While it is true that he recommended that treacherous rebel, Dietrich Schacht, his loyalty and abilities are beyond question. He is the only one who can fill Manstein’s shoes.”
Hitler frowned at Brauchitsch’s words and stared at him, but he signed the document appointing Walther Model as Chief of Staff of Army Group South and tossed it dismissively at Brauchitsch.
“He was your connection. Keep him in line.”
“Yes, sir!”
Hitler glanced at Brauchitsch and then turned his gaze to Himmler.
“Is the intelligence reliable?”
“Yes, mein Führer! The rebels plan to hold a ceremony in Frankfurt on the 15th and launch a full-scale offensive towards Berlin on the 18th! This is a significant achievement by the SD (Sicherheitsdienst, Security Service)!”
Himmler, who had been severely reprimanded after Paul Hausser’s surrender, puffed out his chest proudly as he delivered his report.
“A ceremony? Those rebels are getting arrogant.”
“Foolish, indeed.”
Hitler scoffed at the New Government’s audacity in practically announcing their offensive plans. Himmler was pleased with his new appointee.
The purge hadn’t been limited to the Wehrmacht. Himmler had accused Reinhard Heydrich, who had long coveted his position, of leaking the Gleiwitz incident plan, also known as the “Himmler Plan.”
While Heydrich had protested his innocence and loyalty, testimonies emerged about his suspiciously lenient treatment of the Abwehr, leading to his purge.
Himmler then appointed Walter Schellenberg as head of the SD, and Schellenberg had lived up to his expectations, successfully obtaining the rebel’s plans.
Hitler, fixing Brauchitsch with a cold stare, said, “I’ll trust you one last time, General Brauchitsch. Don’t disappoint me.”
“Of course, mein Führer! Now that their plans are exposed, we will crush them utterly!”
Hitler, wincing at another wave of his persistent headache, glared at Frankfurt on the map, his eyes bloodshot.
While he would see through their plans and crush them utterly, he couldn’t forgive those arrogant rebels for forcing him, the Führer of the German nation and people, onto the defensive.
Despite their current advantage, they were still rebels. A decisive victory would shatter them like a house of cards.
“The time has finally come to settle the score with those damned traitors.”
< German Civil War – The Eve of Decisive Battle (3) > End
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