Chapter 76: For What Do We Fight? (6)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
For the latest updates, visit: ProNovels.com
Join our Discord for release updates: https://discord.gg/Eh2ayfR4FB
< World War II – For What Do We Fight? (6) >
January 15, 1940
Budapest, Hungary
We sat down, facing each other, as Horthy gestured.
Miklós Horthy, born into a Hungarian political family during the Austro-Hungarian Empire, had been a renowned admiral in the Imperial Navy during World War I.
However, after the war, Hungary, defeated and separated from Austria, became a landlocked nation, and a Soviet-backed communist regime took power.
Horthy, a conservative anti-communist of noble descent, led a coup with the support of royalist conservatives, driving out the communists with Romanian assistance and restoring the Kingdom of Hungary, with himself as Regent.
Ironically, when Charles I of Habsburg attempted to reclaim the Hungarian throne with the support of the royalists, Horthy used the military to block his return and exiled him.
Officially, it was because a weakened Hungary, bound by the Treaty of Trianon, couldn’t afford to have a former enemy of the victorious powers as its king. However, his true motives remained unclear.
Hence, the Admiral of a landlocked nation, the Regent of a kingdom without a king.
A man who had launched a civil war with the support of royalists, only to clash with them again over the issue of the former king.
Facing a man whose path was both similar and different from my own filled me with a strange sense of familiarity.
“Thank you for accepting my invitation, despite your busy schedule.”
Horthy, a man of imposing presence, spoke with a serious expression.
The young man standing behind him was strikingly handsome, and their relationship was obvious.
He looked like a younger, more handsome version of Horthy.
The young man, catching my gaze, smiled.
“I am István Horthy, assisting His Serene Highness the Regent.”
There was a strange sense of… goodwill in his eyes as he looked at me.
Why?
“My eldest son.”
“I see. You must be proud.”
I spoke the words without much thought, but Horthy smiled warmly, surprisingly. Was the dictator of Hungary a family man?
“Now, let’s get down to business.”
“Indeed, Your Serene Highness.”
Horthy, a faint smile playing on his lips, asked, “Is Germany willing to cede Slovakia to us?”
I had expected this.
Slovakia had been part of Hungary for centuries.
While its ethnic composition was different, and relations between Slovaks and Hungarians weren’t always amicable, it had been Hungarian territory for nearly a thousand years.
“Unfortunately, that is not for Germany to decide. We intend to restore Czechoslovakia’s independence.”
While we could justify holding onto the Sudetenland, which had a German majority, and had been ceded to us under the Munich Agreement, however flawed it was, keeping Czechia and Slovakia would only give Britain and France a reason to intervene.
And selling it to Hungary would be disastrous for our reputation. However, Horthy frowned at my answer.
“Are you serious? This is an unofficial meeting. While I understand you’re not obligated to be completely candid, there’s no need for such pretense.”
“I assure you, Your Serene Highness, restoring Czechoslovakia’s independence is the official policy of the Fourth Reich.”
Horthy tapped his fingers on the armrest of his chair and said, “I don’t understand. If I were Germany, I would find a way to keep it.”
That was understandable. Czechia was a wealthy region with a developed industrial base. From a purely strategic perspective, ignoring diplomatic considerations, it made sense to keep it.
However, Germany in the original timeline, clinging to its vast occupied territories, had weakened itself by conscripting skilled workers from those territories, exacerbating its manpower shortage.
Forcing resentful Czechs to work in German war industries wouldn’t be efficient, and unless we resorted to Nazi-like brutality, the gains would be limited.
Of course, our decision was based on ideological and diplomatic considerations, rather than purely economic ones.
“Then, how about liberating Czechia and Slovakia separately? We’ll take care of Slovakia ourselves.”
He was suggesting that Hungary would annex Slovakia, much like they had annexed Carpathian Ruthenia during the Munich Agreement. It was a strange feeling.
So this was what it was like to be a great power, carving up smaller nations. Although Hungary wasn’t exactly a great power.
“That would damage Germany’s reputation, making it seem as if we had colluded with Hungary.”
“But it would prevent a three-front war, wouldn’t it?”
Horthy was finally showing his true colors.
I glanced at State Secretary Erich Kordt, who sighed softly and said, “The German Foreign Office believes that Hungary is unlikely to declare war on us under the current circumstances.”
Horthy chuckled.
“Why do you think so?”
“Your country’s annulment of the Treaty of Trianon was not just a declaration of rearmament, but also a declaration of intent to reclaim your lost territories. Your neighbors won’t tolerate that.”
The Treaty of Trianon had stripped Hungary of large swathes of its territory.
While we currently held Slovakia, Romania held Transylvania and other eastern territories, which were as important to Hungary as Danzig was to Germany, and Yugoslavia held a small portion of southern Hungary.
While France, Italy, and Poland had initially approved Hungary’s annulment of the treaty, Romania and Yugoslavia hadn’t been in a position to object at the time. However, with Italy suffering defeats against us and Poland’s offensive stalling, the situation had changed.
Horthy smirked at Kordt’s words.
“Perhaps. But Yugoslavia can barely hold itself together. Their politicians are too busy selling resources to you to care about territorial disputes, while their military despises you. And it’s a nation of so many different ethnicities that it could explode at any moment.”
The wily Regent showed no signs of wavering.
“And as for Romania… Where do you think Poland got the weapons and oil to equip and supply its massive army? Do you think they would have entered this war without any guarantees?”
Horthy smiled confidently.
Was he bluffing? I looked at Erich Kordt, who shook his head.
While our Foreign Office wasn’t aware of any official treaties, we couldn’t rule out secret agreements between them.
We didn’t know what Poland had promised Romania in exchange for its support, but modern nations didn’t trade solely in territory, so we couldn’t jump to conclusions.
Poland had clearly staked everything on this war, so Horthy’s words were likely more than just bluster.
Then, it was time for some bluffing of our own.
“The Italian army is crippled. It will take them at least a month, possibly two or three, to recover and launch another offensive against us.”
Horthy remained silent. As one of the more competent leaders of the Axis powers in the original timeline, he was surely aware of the situation in Italy.
“While Poland’s attack, launched at our most vulnerable moment, has inflicted some damage, they haven’t achieved a decisive victory.”
While we had lost southern East Prussia, we had held onto Königsberg, its main port and strategic center. And we had only lost a small portion of Silesia.
“I don’t know how much support Poland received from Romania, but their offensive capabilities will be exhausted within three months at most, wouldn’t you agree? Assuming, of course, that the Soviet Union doesn’t have other plans.”
“Hmm…”
As Horthy remained silent, I continued,
“I don’t know what agreements you have with Yugoslavia and Romania, but relying on secret agreements when even official treaties are being broken seems… risky. If Italy and Poland were still strong, perhaps, but I’m afraid they won’t be able to assist you if you’re betrayed.”
The treaties signed after World War I to maintain peace, such as the Treaty of Versailles, had been mostly disregarded.
The Munich Agreement itself was a symbol of the era’s disregard for treaties. Chamberlain’s “peace for our time” had been shattered by the annexation of Czechia.
Unless it was a mutually beneficial agreement, like the secret agreement between us and Britain, which neither side had any reason to break, trusting in international agreements in this era was foolish.
Enjoying the translation? Stay updated with the latest chapters at ProNovels.com.
“If you still choose to declare war on us, trusting in Poland and Italy, we won’t object, but we will then have to negotiate with Romania.”
Did he think we couldn’t offer Romania a better deal than Poland?
I stared at Horthy, waiting for his response.
He remained silent for a moment, then exchanged glances with his son, before turning back to me and saying, “I thought you were a pacifist, State Secretary.”
“I prefer to think of myself as… a pragmatist. While we could cede Slovakia to Hungary in exchange for peace, I believe the damage to Germany’s diplomatic standing would be far greater.”
Selling Slovakia while we were already under pressure from Britain and France over Czechia would be disastrous.
Even ignoring the moral implications, the fact that it would be akin to the US allowing Japan to annex Korea-
We needed to improve our diplomatic standing, not weaken it further. Our diplomatic advantage over Nazi Germany was our only real strength.
Of course, I was bluffing, as I didn’t believe Hungary would actually attack us.
“Hmm, perhaps you should reconsider. You’re not going to liberate the Sudetenland either, are you?”
“That is not for Hungary to decide…”
With German nationalism still running high, liberating the Sudetenland was politically impossible. It would halve the wartime cabinet’s approval rating overnight.
“It is for us to decide. Even if Germany liberates Czechia, they will still want to reclaim the Sudetenland. And they will covet the territories we’ve taken as well. They will be a constant thorn in the side of both Germany and Hungary.”
I had no response to that. It was a valid concern, one that I had also considered.
Would the Czechs be grateful if we liberated them without the Sudetenland?
“It’s better to liberate only Czechia, as a token gesture, and allow us to reclaim Slovakia and become Germany’s ally.”
Horthy’s proposal, as expected from a leader who had skillfully navigated the political landscape of the interwar period, was surprisingly persuasive.
It was becoming difficult to simply dismiss it outright…
“If that is unacceptable, we have another option.”
Seeing my hesitation, Horthy continued, “If you guarantee our territorial claims against Romania after the war, we will gladly support Germany as an ally.”
“So you’re asking us to pressure Romania diplomatically, and if they refuse, to support your war against them?”
“Indeed.”
Horthy smiled, as if there was nothing to hide. I was genuinely curious now.
Why were these dictators so eager for war?
What were they fighting for?
“It hasn’t even been twenty years since we lost so much in the last war. What do you gain by starting another war, sending young men to their deaths, and annexing territories?”
Horthy glanced at his son, then looked at me and said, “My name will be remembered with pride by my descendants, and my country will prosper.”
He observed my expression for a moment, then asked, “I have answered your question. Now, let me ask you, should a nation whose rights have been unjustly taken remain a victim forever?”
The leader of a nation that had suffered greatly in the last war, its people consumed by nationalist fervor, stared at me intently.
“Your country is under attack, and blood is being shed even as we speak. Is it truly moral for a politician to prioritize moral principles in such a situation?”
< World War II – For What Do We Fight? (6) > End
