Chapter 79: For What Do We Fight? (9)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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< World War II – For What Do We Fight? (9) >
January 22, 1940
Warsaw, Poland
“Romania refuses to sell us any more oil and weapons? What are you talking about?!”
Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły, Inspector General of the Polish Armed Forces, roared at Foreign Minister Józef Beck, who responded with a frustrated expression.
“They’re protesting our support for Hungary’s annulment of the Treaty of Trianon.”
Foreign Minister Józef Beck, who had been instrumental in signing the German–Polish Non-Aggression Pact with Nazi Germany, had been skeptical of the invasion of Germany from the beginning.
If only he had been able to convince the military to accept the non-aggression pact offered by the post-Nazi German government, and if they had had a little more time, his dream of an Intermarium, a Polish-led alliance of nations between the Baltic and Black Seas, might have been realized.
Poland had been purchasing weapons and oil from Romania while simultaneously promising Hungary support for their annulment of the Treaty of Trianon and the return of Transylvania in an attempt to secure their support.
However, with Poland now at war with Germany and having supported Hungary’s abrogation of the Treaty of Trianon, Romania, angered by Poland’s duplicity, had halted its sales.
“This was our only chance, with Italy tying down their forces! It’s obvious that they would have turned on us after defeating Italy! The Weimar Republic, their predecessor, was openly hostile towards us!”
“Even Hitler signed a non-aggression pact with us, albeit briefly. They’re clearly hostile towards the Soviet Union, having supported Finland. We could have allied with them! You’ve gambled our nation’s future for a few scraps of land!”
Prime Minister Felicjan Sławoj Składkowski, watching the two men argue, sighed and rubbed his forehead.
The Polish military had planned to capture East Prussia within a month and then harass the Germans along their long border, hoping to break their will to fight after their civil war and the war with Italy.
Even the overly confident Polish military hadn’t seriously believed they could win a total war against Germany. Their plan had been to secure a decisive victory and then negotiate a favorable peace, much like in the Winter War.
The Polish army’s preparations had been hampered by Britain and France, who had resisted full mobilization until August, fearing a German attack, and the unexpectedly swift end of the German civil war had forced them to rush their offensive preparations.
However, they had believed that with Italy tying down most of the German forces, their objectives were achievable. But the German resistance had been far stronger than anticipated.
They had only been able to launch their offensive with Romanian support, providing them with much-needed weapons and fuel. Now, with that support gone, they were facing shortages.
Prime Minister Składkowski looked pleadingly at President Ignacy Mościcki, but he, as always, remained silent, observing the situation.
“While we argue, German factories are churning out tanks and weapons. And we can’t trust the Soviet Union forever.”
The Prime Minister’s grim words silenced Rydz-Śmigły and Beck.
While the Soviet Union was still struggling against Finland, it was still performing better than Poland had expected.
There was no guarantee that the Winter War would continue indefinitely, and even if it did, the Soviet Union could still attack Poland once they were weakened by their war with Germany.
“Foreign Minister, assure the Romanians that this is all a misunderstanding and try to resume our trade. We can use Hungary’s alliance with Germany to our advantage, fueling their concerns about a potential German-Hungarian agreement.”
“…Very well.”
While Foreign Minister Beck seemed displeased with Rydz-Śmigły’s suggestion, he had no choice.
Poland, like Germany in the original timeline, was now facing ammunition and fuel shortages after its hasty offensive, and they couldn’t continue the war without Romanian support.
“Italy has been a disappointment, and we can no longer win this war on our own. We have no choice but to seek French assistance. They won’t want to see Germany grow stronger.”
With Poland’s initial goals of reclaiming territory from Germany and teaching them a lesson proving to be unrealistic, their only viable option was to convince France to join the war.
With the pressure from Jean-François de La Rocque’s speech and Poland’s request for assistance, the French government, led by the anti-German Prime Minister Paul Reynaud, was seriously considering intervention.
–
January 24, 1940
Northern Germany, Berlin, Army General Staff Headquarters
“Attention!”
Not this again.
“Salute the State Secretary of the Reich Chancellery!”
As I entered the operations room, the officers snapped to attention and saluted. I returned the salute stiffly.
Damn it, and there was Tresckow, his face grim, among the saluting officers! Manstein, you…!
“Thank you for the welcome, General Manstein.”
“Haha, how could I not express my gratitude, State Secretary, when your recommendation has been such a resounding success! Hahaha!”
“Ha… haha…”
Was he jealous? Jealous of General Model?
While Manstein and I were engaged in this charade, Tresckow, looking exasperated, lit a cigarette.
Oh dear, the air in the room was thick with smoke. My eyes were stinging.
Two chain-smokers in one room…
I felt a pang of sympathy for the officers. There were no air purifiers in this era. How could I offer them some comfort?
“This way, State Secretary! The operational plan is ready!”
“Let’s see…”
Poland, after its failed offensive against East Prussia, had remained inactive.
Something must have gone wrong for them, and Manstein, ever the proponent of offensive action, had devised a plan to exploit their inaction and disrupt their regrouping efforts with an armored assault.
“This looks promising.”
The plan called for a four-pronged armored assault, exploiting the weaknesses in the Polish defenses, which were stretched thin after their failed offensive.
And the generals leading the assault were…
“General Oswald Lutz, General Heinz Guderian, General Erwin Rommel, and… General Erich von Manstein. You’re unleashing all four of them on the Poles?”
“Indeed, State Secretary! Haha! As you know, Generals Lutz and Guderian are proven commanders of armored forces! While General Rommel is an infantryman, he will serve as… a figurehead to boost public morale.”
I chuckled. While Rommel was indeed an infantryman, I doubted he would remain a mere figurehead.
It was a dream team of German panzer generals. However-
I glanced at Manstein and asked, “Are you leading the assault personally, General? If I remember correctly, it was you who called General Richthofen back from the front lines for an operational meeting-”
“That was… because it was a crucial operation! Haha! We’re past that now, State Secretary! While the General Staff certainly needs my brilliant tactical mind and strategic genius, I’m sure other officers can handle the… minor details! I can assure you that I am second to none as a field commander, even compared to Mode-, I mean, any commander in the Wehrmacht!”
Manstein, gesturing wildly, grabbed Tresckow’s shoulder.
Please, stop. Tresckow’s face is turning purple, you insufferable Chief of the General Staff!
I quickly grabbed Manstein’s hand and gently pulled it away from Tresckow’s shoulder, holding it in both of my hands.
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Manstein’s eyes widened, and his lips curled into a wide smile. This man…
“Of course, I have never doubted your abilities, General Manstein. I have full confidence in your leadership for this operation.”
“Oh, State Secretary! You truly have a keen eye for talent! Hahaha!”
“Haha… haha…”
I forced a smile, echoing his laughter, and the other officers joined in, their laughter filling the room.
This man, despite his sycophantic behavior, was a Colonel General! I, a mere Lieutenant Colonel, despite my position as State Secretary, couldn’t openly contradict him…
This was so tiring…
Thankfully, Tresckow, seeming to understand my predicament, looked at me with sympathy and said, “You have my condolences.”
“I appreciate that, General.”
–
January 25, 1940
Northern Germany, Berlin, Reich Chancellery
However, before we could even launch our offensive, we received bad news.
“According to our agents, France is considering issuing a white peace ultimatum to Germany, threatening to join Poland as an ally if we refuse.”
Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, head of the Abwehr, delivered the report, and the room fell silent.
While our mobilization was proceeding smoothly, it would still take at least a month, realistically two, to fully equip and train our new recruits.
We had managed to neutralize Italy for the time being and stall the Polish offensive, buying time for our mobilization, but now, we were facing another crisis.
“What justification do those bastards have for attacking us?! We’re fighting a defensive war!”
Ludwig Beck, a Junker and a military man, expressed his outrage at France.
“The independence guarantee France offered Poland when Hitler was threatening them is still valid. And technically, so is Britain’s. If we intend to demand Polish territory, it would give them a pretext to intervene.”
Foreign Minister Weizsäcker’s words angered the cabinet members.
“Independence guarantee? They attacked us first! That’s just an excuse. They just want to stop Germany from becoming stronger.”
Everyone in the room agreed with my father, Hjalmar Schacht. Even in the original timeline, Poland had been the aggressor, albeit under false pretenses.
The reason France had been able to invoke their independence guarantee and declare war on Germany was because of Germany’s disastrous diplomatic standing and the French public’s outrage.
Germany, having already antagonized the world with its renunciation of the Treaty of Versailles, the Anschluss, and the Munich Agreement, had finally broken their patience by annexing Czechia.
And we had inherited that negative diplomatic legacy, having restored the Hohenzollern monarchy after our civil war against the Nazis.
While our relations with Britain had improved due to our pragmatic approach, and we had established a decent relationship with the United States by promising democracy and supporting Finland, they weren’t obligated to defend us.
Our relationship with France, however, remained unchanged from the original timeline. They were our sworn enemy.
We had renounced the Treaty of Versailles, restored the Hohenzollern monarchy, and outmaneuvered France diplomatically with British support, but we hadn’t made any concessions.
It would have been unrealistic to expect France, with its pride and its deep-seated fear of Germany, to remain passive indefinitely.
“Can we defeat France in a war?”
Ludwig Beck frowned at Labor Minister Kurt Schumacher’s question and replied, “Realistically, not at the moment.”
France had fallen in six weeks in the original timeline.
However, that had been due to a combination of the unexpected success of the Manstein Plan, various unforeseen circumstances, and French blunders.
With history already so drastically altered, gambling on France repeating the same mistakes would be too risky. The stakes were too high.
While the French army wasn’t significantly stronger than ours, we couldn’t afford a full-scale war with them.
We were already struggling to contain Poland and Italy, and we had to negotiate with Hungary to avoid a three-front war. Facing the French army, which was three times the size of the Polish army, would be disastrous.
“The Polish-German border is too long. We need too many troops there to fight a full-scale war with France.”
My words darkened the mood in the room further.
We had already been forced to withdraw troops from Italy to defend against Poland. Adding France to the equation would be catastrophic.
And while we might be able to repel a French invasion, a defensive war by France, blocking our trade routes, would be even more damaging.
The Reichsmarine was still building the Bismarck, and even with the Tirpitz, we wouldn’t be able to challenge the French navy. Our vital supply lines to the United States, providing us with fuel and trucks, would be cut.
While we weren’t facing immediate food shortages, unlike Nazi Germany, which had overextended itself with its massive army, losing access to our main food supplier, especially after antagonizing the Soviet Union, would be a serious problem.
We couldn’t afford to invade France through neutral Belgium, as we had in the original timeline, nor could we assault the Maginot Line directly.
It would be a repeat of World War I, playing into France’s hands, precisely what the Maginot Line had been designed to achieve.
“We must prevent France from joining the war, at least until we secure Poland’s surrender.”
While accepting a white peace would avoid a war with France, it would be politically unacceptable and could lead to a resurgence of German militarism in the future.
My father, Hjalmar Schacht, looked at me and asked, “Is that possible?”
While I wasn’t certain, we had to try. That was why I had prioritized diplomacy, even at a cost.
“Britain will ultimately prefer a balance of power, and the older generation in France still remembers the horrors of the last war. If we remove their justifications for intervention, we might be able to prevent it.”
From the overthrow of the Nazis to the present, it had been a constant tightrope walk. I couldn’t help but smile wryly.
It was time for another all-out effort, using every tool at our disposal, from propaganda to diplomacy.
“I will contact the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. It’s time to liberate them.”
< World War II – For What Do We Fight? (9) > End
