Chapter 80: For What Do We Fight? (10)
Translated by Vine | Proofread by Lust
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< World War II – For What Do We Fight? (10) >
January 27, 1940
Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia – Prague
We met with the Czech delegation in the former Czech government building in Prague, which Hitler had repurposed as the headquarters of the Reich Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.
Our delegation consisted of my father, Chancellor Hjalmar Schacht, Foreign Minister Weizsäcker, and myself, State Secretary of the Reich Chancellery.
The Czech delegation was led by Edvard Beneš, former President of Czechoslovakia and current leader of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile in France, and Emil Hácha, who had been President of the Second Czechoslovak Republic after the Munich Agreement and had signed the Protectorate treaty with Hitler under duress.
While we had dissolved the Reich Protectorate after overthrowing the Nazi regime and capturing Berlin, we had renamed it the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, retaining Emil Hácha as State President and granting them considerable autonomy.
We had abandoned the Nazi policy of forced assimilation and adopted a more conciliatory approach, as Emil Hácha had been elected President of Czechia, albeit under Nazi occupation, after the resignation of Beneš’s government.
Edvard Beneš, who had fought for Czech independence against the Austro-Hungarian Empire and had overseen the fortification of the Sudetenland as President of Czechoslovakia in preparation for war with Germany, seemed deeply moved to be back on Czech soil.
“Welcome back to Czechia, former President. I am Hjalmar Schacht, Chancellor of Germany.”
“…Edvard Beneš. Leader of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile.”
We exchanged introductions and handshakes, starting with my father and Beneš.
Fortunately, we had revealed much of the Third Reich’s inner workings after overthrowing the Nazi regime.
They were likely aware of my father’s opposition to Hitler’s annexation of Czechia and his subsequent dismissal, as well as our immediate reversal of the Nazi persecution policies after the civil war.
Restoring the name “Czechia” and granting them autonomy had also fostered goodwill among the Czech people, showing them that we were different from the Nazis.
That was why they had agreed to meet with us so readily.
“As you know, we are here to discuss the liberation of Czechoslovakia.”
As my father began the meeting, Beneš and Hácha, along with the other members of the Czech delegation, nodded tensely.
While they were here because they needed us, they weren’t exactly friendly. We were the perpetrators, and they were the victims.
And they already had sponsors who had promised to pressure us into granting them independence.
My father, leaning back in his chair, smiled his trademark unsettling smile.
“Let’s skip the pleasantries. We intend to restore Czechoslovakia to its pre-Munich Agreement borders.”
Beneš, his face grim, asked, “What about the Sudetenland?”
“That is non-negotiable.”
While we had effectively stolen the Sudetenland, my father spoke with such confidence that I wasn’t sure how to react.
Beneš’s face darkened with anger.
“Are you expecting us to sign another Munich Agreement?”
“While we understand your position, the Munich Agreement is a legally binding treaty, signed by Britain and France as well.”
Weizsäcker attempted to defuse the situation, but Beneš’s response was cold.
“A treaty signed by invaders and traitors. And you broke your promise to guarantee our independence.”
This was going to be difficult.
“Even under the principle of self-determination, the Sudetenland cannot be returned. Such a decision could destabilize our government, and the resulting regime would likely be far more nationalistic.”
Beneš remained impassive.
“Ahem, Beneš, this is our chance to rebuild Czechoslovakia peacefully.”
Emil Hácha, having been a puppet ruler under Hitler, seemed to consider our offer reasonable.
“You’re asking us to entrust our fate to foreign powers once again!”
However, Hácha, despite being older, flinched at Beneš’s rebuke and fell silent.
He seemed timid, perhaps burdened by his role in Czechoslovakia’s demise, and he couldn’t stand up to Beneš, who had resisted the Nazis to the end.
This felt like… the Allies deciding the fate of Korea after Japan’s defeat.
It was an uncomfortable analogy, but I had to do what I had to do.
“Former President Beneš, while I hesitate to say this, this is likely the best opportunity for Czechoslovakia to regain its independence.”
“I’ve heard much about Germany’s young State Secretary. You’re quite confident, aren’t you?”
I suppressed a sigh and said, “France has likely promised you an ultimatum to Germany, demanding Poland’s independence and Czechoslovakia’s liberation, haven’t they?”
Beneš clicked his tongue but didn’t deny it. France’s security protocols were notoriously lax.
“If France pressures us, and the Czechoslovak government-in-exile supports them, our response will be simple.”
I deliberately imitated my father’s unsettling smile and continued, “We will dismantle your industrial infrastructure and ship it to Germany, then liberate Czechia and Slovakia separately. And then, we will leave you to your fate. You do have… neighbors who might be interested in newly independent and vulnerable nations.”
Beneš was surely thinking of Carpathian Ruthenia, which had been annexed by Hungary immediately after its independence following the Munich Agreement.
“What?! You would abandon our nation once again…!”
“Unfortunately, that is the reality of the situation. Why should we show you any further consideration when your government-in-exile is relying on our enemies? This would also make it difficult for them to justify a war with us over Czechia’s liberation.”
While we wouldn’t actually do such a thing, as it would damage our international reputation, it was a credible threat, considering Germany’s past actions.
“Your government-in-exile then has two choices. Disband and concede its legitimacy to the new Czech government, or encourage France to start a war with us, hoping they will reclaim the Sudetenland and Slovakia for you, despite the flimsy justification.”
Beneš was practically trembling with rage. Being the villain was a difficult role.
“Even if France declares war, you will have to wait for them to win, and even then, there’s no guarantee that the new Czech government will recognize your contributions. They might simply blame you for the Munich Agreement and the annexation of Czechia.”
The Vichy government, after France’s defeat, had immediately delegitimized the Third Republic, and the Free French, after the liberation of France, had delegitimized the Vichy government.
The Czechoslovak politicians in exile knew they would be discarded once a new Czech government was established.
Beneš remained silent. I hid a sigh and looked at my father, who smiled his unsettling smile at me, then turned to Beneš and said, “We understand your concerns about Czechoslovakia’s vulnerability after its liberation without the Sudetenland. If you accept our proposal during the upcoming negotiations with France, Germany will not only guarantee Czechoslovakia’s independence but also grant you access to German ports and preferential trade agreements.”
Czechoslovakia was completely demilitarized and knew firsthand the futility of relying on the League of Nations or international diplomacy for protection.
Even without the Sudetenland, they posed no military threat to us, and it would take them years to rebuild their army. In the meantime, they would need protection from Poland and Hungary, both of which had a history of annexing Czechoslovak territory.
In the long run, Czechoslovakia would become dependent on Germany for protection, access to ports, and trade routes, allowing us to establish a closer relationship through economic ties.
While there would be resentment among the Czech people, we, having liberated them from the Nazis, would still be preferable to Poland or Hungary, and economic interests often trumped nationalistic sentiments.
Much like modern South Korea, despite its animosity towards China and Japan, couldn’t afford to sever its economic ties with them.
“If France declares war on us, Britain’s response is uncertain, and the fate of Czechia and Slovakia would become even more precarious. If you truly desire independence, not as pawns in the games of great powers, but as a united Czechoslovakia, this is your chance.”
My father delivered the final blow, and Beneš, sighing deeply, rubbed his forehead.
He knew, logically, that this was the best offer he was going to get.
They had already been abandoned by France once. Czechoslovakia’s liberation was merely a tool for France to pressure Germany.
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“Give me… time to consider your proposal.”
“Of course. We are ready to recognize a sovereign Czechoslovakia.”
Beneš, sighing, left the room with the Czech delegation and Hácha.
While they would likely debate the issue amongst themselves, they had no leverage against us, and they couldn’t fully trust France, so their choice was obvious.
“Good work. How did it go?”
Claudia was waiting for me outside. When did she arrive?
“Your expression isn’t very-”
I pulled her into a hug, cutting her off mid-sentence. I buried my face in her hair and muttered, “I’m a terrible person.”
She hesitated for a moment, then patted my back and said, “…It means you care about your people.”
As long as I cared, I would have to continue to make difficult choices.
But she would be there for me. And that was my salvation.
–
A few days after our meeting with the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, the French government, led by Paul Reynaud, issued an ultimatum to Germany.
Their demands were as follows:
- Complete liberation of Czechoslovakia
- Unconditional cessation of hostilities with Poland and Italy, with all territories returned to their pre-war status
They declared that they would no longer tolerate Germany’s military expansion and threatened military action to protect Poland, based on their independence guarantee, if their demands weren’t met within forty-eight hours.
France’s demands, effectively demanding that Germany abandon its defensive war against Italy and Poland, a war in which even a member of the German royal family had been killed, and cede Czechia, ignited long-standing resentment towards France throughout Germany.
While Britain was privately displeased with France’s unilateral action, they were also wary of Germany’s growing power and eager to avoid a wider war.
British Prime Minister Halifax, claiming that he had “no choice” but to intervene after France’s actions, arranged a meeting between the involved parties.
Everything we had achieved since overthrowing Hitler was now at stake.
–
February 2, 1940
Southern Germany, 7th Military District, Munich
Munich. While Britain and France might have chosen this location to erase their shame, it was likely an unwelcome reminder for the Czechoslovak government-in-exile.
However, the great powers, who had signed the Munich Agreement without Czechoslovakia’s participation, had no respect for a government-in-exile.
The French politicians, in particular, seemed eager to avenge their humiliation.
The British delegation was led by Prime Minister “Lord Halifax,” Edward Wood, and Foreign Secretary Alexander Cadogan.
The French delegation was led by Prime Minister Paul Reynaud and Foreign Minister Édouard Daladier.
The German delegation consisted of my father, Foreign Minister Weizsäcker, and myself.
And Edvard Beneš, representing the Czechoslovak government-in-exile.
All the key players were assembled.
“It’s been a while, State Secretary. You’re looking well.”
“It’s good to see you too, former Prime Minister. You’re the Foreign Minister now.”
Édouard Daladier, who had been forced to resign after our last meeting following the military coup, his face flushed, grinned and muttered, “This time will be different.”
“I look forward to it.”
After the initial exchange of pleasantries, tinged with animosity, British Prime Minister Halifax, the self-proclaimed mediator, began the meeting.
“Then… let us begin this meeting, hoping to achieve another agreement for peace in our time.”
I couldn’t help but smile wryly.
The Munich Agreement.
The same nations that had signed the Munich Agreement, excluding Czechoslovakia, were now gathered again, seeking a second Munich Agreement.
If there was a God, he had a truly terrible sense of humor.
< World War II – For What Do We Fight? (10) > End
